How can we take it back?

Great article, makes some wonderful points.
Why the Bad Guys Keep Winning

How Come They Keeping Getting Away With It?

Why do the bad guys keep getting away with it … even after getting caught again and again?

Reason Number 1: Falling for the Big Fib

People are wired to believe our leaders’ big statements, even if they are ridiculous:

As Adolph Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf:

All this was inspired by the principle—which is quite true in itself—that in the big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than consciously or voluntarily; and thus in the primitive simplicity of their minds they more readily fall victims to the big lie than the small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort the truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this to be so may be brought clearly to their minds, they will still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in this world and to all who conspire together in the art of lying.

Similarly, Hitler’s propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels, wrote:

That is of course rather painful for those involved. One should not as a rule reveal one’s secrets, since one does not know if and when one may need them again. The essential English leadership secret does not depend on particular intelligence. Rather, it depends on a remarkably stupid thick-headedness. The English follow the principle that when one lies, one should lie big, and stick to it. They keep up their lies, even at the risk of looking ridiculous.

Science has now helped to explain why the big lie is effective.

As I’ve previously pointed out in another context:

Psychologists and sociologists show us that people will rationalize what their leaders are doing, even when it makes no sense ….

Sociologists from four major research institutions investigated why so many Americans believed that Saddam Hussein was behind 9/11, years after it became obvious that Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11.

The researchers found, as described in an article in the journal Sociological Inquiry (and re-printed by Newsweek):

  • Many Americans felt an urgent need to seek justification for a war already in progress

  • Rather than search rationally for information that either confirms or disconfirms a particular belief, people actually seek out information that confirms what they already believe.

  • “For the most part people completely ignore contrary information.”

  • “The study demonstrates voters’ ability to develop elaborate rationalizations based on faulty information”

  • People get deeply attached to their beliefs, and form emotional attachments that get wrapped up in their personal identity and sense of morality, irrespective of the facts of the matter.

  • “We refer to this as ‘inferred justification, because for these voters, the sheer fact that we were engaged in war led to a post-hoc search for a justification for that war.

  • “People were basically making up justifications for the fact that we were at war”

  • “They wanted to believe in the link [between 9/11 and Iraq] because it helped them make sense of a current reality. So voters’ ability to develop elaborate rationalizations based on faulty information, whether we think that is good or bad for democratic practice, does at least demonstrate an impressive form of creativity.

An article yesterday in Alternet discussing the Sociological Inquiry article helps us to understand that the key to people’s active participation in searching for excuses for actions by the big boys is fear:

Subjects were presented during one-on-one interviews with a newspaper clip of this Bush quote:

“This administration never said that the 9/11 attacks were orchestrated between Saddam and al-Qaeda.”
The Sept. 11 Commission, too, found no such link, the subjects were told.

“Well, I bet they say that the commission didn’t have any proof of it,” one subject responded, “but I guess we still can have our opinions and feel that way even though they say that.”

Reasoned another: “Saddam, I can’t judge if he did what he’s being accused of, but if Bush thinks he did it, then he did it.”

Others declined to engage the information at all.
Most curious to the researchers were the respondents who reasoned that Saddam must have been connected to Sept. 11, because why else would the Bush Administration have gone to war in Iraq?

The desire to believe this was more powerful, according to the researchers, than any active campaign to plant the idea.
Such a campaign did exist in the run-up to the war…

He won’t credit [politicians spouting misinformation] alone for the phenomenon, though.
“That kind of puts the idea out there, but what people then do with the idea … ” he said. “Our argument is that people aren’t just empty vessels. You don’t just sort of open up their brains and dump false information in and they regurgitate it. They’re actually active processing cognitive agents”…

The alternate explanation raises queasy questions for the rest of society.
“I think we’d all like to believe that when people come across disconfirming evidence, what they tend to do is to update their opinions,” said Andrew Perrin, an associate professor at UNC and another author of the study…

“The implications for how democracy works are quite profound, there’s no question in my mind about that,” Perrin said. “What it means is that we have to think about the emotional states in which citizens find themselves that then lead them to reason and deliberate in particular ways.”

Evidence suggests people are more likely to pay attention to facts within certain emotional states and social situations. Some may never change their minds.

For others, policy-makers could better identify those states, for example minimizing the
fear that often clouds a person’s ability to assess facts …

The Alternet article links to a must-read interview with psychology professor Sheldon Solomon, who explains:

A large body of evidence shows that momentarily [raising fear of death], typically by asking people to think about themselves dying, intensifies people’s strivings to protect and bolster aspects of their worldviews, and to bolster their self-esteem.

The most common finding is that [fear of death] increases positive reactions to those who share cherished aspects of one’s cultural worldview, and negative reactions toward those who violate cherished cultural values or are merely different.


And what about torture?
Even after the Senate Intelligence report said that torture didn’t do anything helpful — confirmed by America’s top interrogation experts and 1,700 years of history — the American public still believes the big lie.

And I would argue that the fact that the governments of the world have given trillions to the giant banks has invoked the same mental process — and susceptibility to propaganda -as the war in Iraq.

Specifically, many people assume that because the government has launched a war to prop up the giant banks, it must have a good reason for doing so.
Why else would trillions in taxpayer dollars be thrown at the giant banks?

Why else would the government say that saving the big boys is vital?

And I would argue that the fear of another Great Depression (an economic death, if you will) is analogous to the fear of death triggered in many Americans by 9/11.

This creates a regression towards old-fashioned thinking about such things as banks and the financial system, even though the giant banks actually do very little traditional banking these days.

In other words, the big lie appears to be as effective in financial as in military warfare.

Reason Number 2: The Urge to Defend Bad Systems

Psychiatrist Peter Zafirides, M.D sent us an excellent article explaining why good people defend bad systems:

From the bust of the housing bubble and mortgage meltdown to Bernie Madoff and Jerry Sandusky, to political candidates and campaigns, it seems not a week goes by before another story of corruption and scandal breaks.

And very predictably, the following questions always seem to follow:

“How could they get away with this?”
- or -
“Why didn’t someone say or do anything about it?”


In trying to answer these questions, we have to first understand a bit about both individual and group psychology.
The answers may potentially surprise or frighten you, but it is through this understanding, that any real (and lasting) change can occur.

Beyond these obvious questions lies another stark reality: good people tend to continue to defend bad systems.
Why does this happen?

What is going on here?
Why do we stick up for a system or institution we live in–a government, company, or marriage–even when anyone else can see it is failing miserably?

Why do we resist change even when the system is corrupt or unjust?

A new article in Current Directions in Psychological Science, reveals the conditions under which we’re motivated to defend the status quo–a psychological process called “system justification.”

The Power of the Status Quo

In system justification theory, people are motivated to defend the status quo.
There is a need to see it as being good, just and/or legitimate.

People not only want to hold a favorable view of themselves and the groups they associate with, but they also hold favorable views of an entire, overarching social system.

There is a lot at stake here on an individual psychological level that may not have anything to do with the particular candidate, or government or social issue.

There are consequences for trying to buck the system.
What will happen if you try to introduce a different type of political or economic system?

You tend to be mocked, marginalized or completely ignored.
People need to believe that the systems they believe in are legitimate.

But this can cause bias and very dangerous blind spots when it comes to the issue of corruption in these systems.
“Now this is not the same as acquiescence,” says Aaron C. Kay, a psychologist at Duke University, who co-authored the paper with University of Waterloo graduate student Justin Friesen. “It’s pro-active. When someone comes to justify the status quo, they also come to see it as what should be.”

According to the research, four particular situations significantly increased the likelihood that system justification would occur:

1. When a threat to the system occurred.

2. When one is dependent on the system.

3. When there is no potential escape from the system.

4. When one has low personal control of their lives.

Threat

When we’re threatened we defend ourselves–and our systems.
Before 9/11, for instance, President George W. Bush was sinking in the polls.

But as soon as the planes hit the World Trade Center, the president’s approval ratings soared.
So did support for Congress and the police.

During Hurricane Katrina, America witnessed FEMA’s spectacular failure to rescue the hurricane’s victims.
Yet many people blamed those victims for their fate rather than admitting the agency flunked and supporting ideas for fixing it.

In times of crisis, say the authors, we want to believe the system works.
This bias is real.

The problem is, it may not even be consciously in our awareness.

Dependency

We also defend systems we rely on.
In one experiment, students made to feel dependent on their university defended a school funding policy–but disapproved of the same policy if it came from the government, which they didn’t perceive as affecting them closely.

However, if they felt dependent on the government, they liked the policy originating from it, but not from the school.

Inescapability & Loss of Control

When we feel we can’t escape a system, we adapt.
That includes feeling okay about things we might otherwise consider undesirable.

The authors note one study in which participants were told that men’s salaries in their country are 20% higher than women’s.
Rather than implicate an unfair system, those who felt they couldn’t emigrate chalked up the wage gap to innate differences between the sexes. “You’d think that when people are stuck with a system, they’d want to change it more,” says Kay. But in fact, the more stuck they are, the more likely are they to explain away its shortcomings.

Finally, a related phenomenon:
The less control people feel over their own lives, the more they endorse systems and leaders that offer a sense of order.


Change Is Possible!

The research on system justification should not be overwhelming or demoralizing.
If anything it can really help to enlighten those who are frustrated when people don’t rise up in what would seem their own best interests.

The awareness of this psychological tendency in all of us is the first step in trying to minimize its impact.
Awareness is critical if one hopes to meaningfully change systems.

According to Dr. Kay, “If you want to understand how to get social change to happen, you need to understand the conditions that make people resist change and what makes them open to acknowledging that change might be a necessity.” This is true whether the change one desires is individual or societal.

But do not despair!
Whether on an individual or societal level, change absolutely happen.

Awareness and knowledge is the first part of the process.
Never give up the fight.

Never doubt how truly powerful you are.

Reason Number 3: Assuming that the Super-Elite Are “Like Us”

The super-elites are not like us:

Vanderbilt researchers have found that the brains of psychopaths have a dopamine abnormality which creates a drive for rewards at any cost, and causes them to ignore risks.

As PhysOrg writes:

Abnormalities in how the nucleus accumbens, highlighted here, processes dopamine have been found in individuals with psychopathic traits and may be linked to violent, criminal behavior.

Credit: Gregory R.Samanez-Larkin and Joshua W. Buckholtz
The brains of psychopaths appear to be wired to keep seeking a reward at any cost, new research from Vanderbilt University finds.

The research uncovers the role of the brain’s reward system in psychopathy and opens a new area of study for understanding what drives these individuals.

“This study underscores the importance of neurological research as it relates to behavior,” Dr. Francis S. Collins, director of the National Institutes of Health, said. “The findings may help us find new ways to intervene before a personality trait becomes antisocial behavior.”

The results were published March 14, 2010, in
Nature Neuroscience.
“Psychopaths are often thought of as cold-blooded criminals who take what they want without thinking about consequences,” Joshua Buckholtz, a graduate student in the Department of Psychology and lead author of the new study, said. “We found that a hyper-reactive dopamine reward system may be the foundation for some of the most problematic behaviors associated with psychopathy, such as violent crime, recidivism and substance abuse.”

Previous research on psychopathy has focused on what these individuals lack–fear, empathy and interpersonal skills.
The new research, however, examines what they have in abundance–impulsivity, heightened attraction to rewards and risk taking.

Importantly, it is these latter traits that are most closely linked with the violent and criminal aspects of psychopathy.
“There has been a long tradition of research on psychopathy that has focused on the lack of sensitivity to punishment and a lack of fear, but those traits are not particularly good predictors of violence or criminal behavior,” David Zald, associate professor of psychology and of psychiatry and co-author of the study, said. “Our data is suggesting that something might be happening on the other side of things. These individuals appear to have such a strong draw to reward–to the carrot–that it overwhelms the sense of risk or concern about the stick.”

To examine the relationship between dopamine and psychopathy, the researchers used positron emission tomography, or PET, imaging of the brain to measure dopamine release, in concert with a functional magnetic imaging, or fMRI, probe of the brain’s reward system.

“The really striking thing is with these two very different techniques we saw a very similar pattern–both were heightened in individuals with psychopathic traits,” Zald said.

Study volunteers were given a personality test to determine their level of psychopathic traits.
These traits exist on a spectrum, with violent criminals falling at the extreme end of the spectrum.

However, a normally functioning person can also have the traits, which include manipulativeness, egocentricity, aggression and risk taking.

In the first portion of the experiment, the researchers gave the volunteers a dose of amphetamine, or speed, and then scanned their brains using PET to view dopamine release in response to the stimulant.

Substance abuse has been shown in the past to be associated with alterations in dopamine responses.
Psychopathy is strongly associated with substance abuse.

“Our hypothesis was that psychopathic traits are also linked to dysfunction in dopamine reward circuitry,” Buckholtz said. “Consistent with what we thought, we found people with high levels of psychopathic traits had almost four times the amount of dopamine released in response to amphetamine.”

In the second portion of the experiment, the research subjects were told they would receive a monetary reward for completing a simple task.

Their brains were scanned with fMRI while they were performing the task.
The researchers found in those individuals with elevated psychopathic traits the dopamine reward area of the brain, the nucleus accumbens, was much more active while they were anticipating the monetary reward than in the other volunteers.

“It may be that because of these exaggerated dopamine responses, once they focus on the chance to get a reward, psychopaths are unable to alter their attention until they get what they’re after,” Buckholtz said.

Added Zald, “It’s not just that they don’t appreciate the potential threat, but that the anticipation or motivation for reward overwhelms those concerns.”


Has anyone tested the heads of the too big to fails for this dopamine abnormality?
What are the odds that they have it? And if they have it, what are the odds that they will voluntarily start acting responsibly, especially given the broken incentive system?

Experts also tell us that many politicians also share traits with serial killers.
Specifically, the Los Angeles Times noted in 2009:

Using his law enforcement experience and data drawn from the FBI’s behavioral analysis unit, Jim Kouri has collected a series of personality traits common to a couple of professions.

Kouri, who’s a vice president of the National Assn. of Chiefs of Police, has assembled traits such as superficial charm, an exaggerated sense of self-worth, glibness, lying, lack of remorse and manipulation of others.

These traits, Kouri
points out in his analysis, are common to psychopathic serial killers.

But – and here’s the part that may spark some controversy and defensive discussion – these traits are also common to American politicians. (Maybe you already suspected.)

Yup. Violent homicide aside, our elected officials often show many of the exact same character traits as criminal nut-jobs, who run from police but not for office.

Kouri notes that these criminals are psychologically capable of committing their dirty deeds free of any concern for social, moral or legal consequences and with absolutely no remorse.

“This allows them to do what they want, whenever they want,” he wrote. “Ironically, these same traits exist in men and women who are drawn to high-profile and powerful positions in society including political officeholders.”

***

“While many political leaders will deny the assessment regarding their similarities with serial killers and other career criminals, it is part of a psychopathic profile that may be used in assessing the behaviors of many officials and lawmakers at all levels of government.”

As Jim Quinn notes:

When their bets came up craps, they had the gall to hold the American people hostage for trillions in bailouts.
Their fellow psychopaths in Congress gladly forked over the money.

Rather than mend their ways, these evil men have returned to their excessive risk taking and continue to pay themselves billions in compensation, while the American middle class is smothered to death under mountains of debt.

These evil Wall Street geniuses have shown no remorse as seven million people have lost their jobs and millions more have lost their homes due to the greed and avarice displayed on an epic scale.

Wall Street bankers exhibit the epitome of psychopathic behavior, showing lack of empathy and remorse, shallow emotions, egocentricity, and deceptiveness.

Psychopaths are highly prone to antisocial behavior and abusive treatment of others.
Though lacking empathy and emotional depth, they often manage to pass themselves off as average individuals by feigning emotions.

These Wall Street bankers will never willingly accept responsibility for their actions.
They continue to use their wealth and power to control the politicians in Washington DC and the misinformation propagated by the corporate media they control.

They own and control the Federal Reserve and will print money until the whole system collapses in a spectacular implosion that destroys our financial system.

They only care about their own wealth, influence and status.
They have no shame.


Studies also show that the wealthy are less empathic than those with more modest wealth, and so:

The idea of nobless oblige or trickle-down economics, certain versions of it, is bull,” Keltner added. “Our data say you cannot rely on the wealthy to give back. The ‘thousand points of light’–this rise of compassion in the wealthy to fix all the problems of society–is improbable, psychologically.”

Those in the upper-class tend to hoard resources and be less generous than they could be.


Given that many in Congress and top government posts are multi-millionaires, the study might help explain why politicians seem only to work to make themselves wealthier and to help their wealthy buddies.

We will remain disempowered if we assume that the super-elites are “like us”.
Unless we learn to spot “wolves in sheep’s clothing”, we will continue to fall prey to their scams.

This is not to say that all rich or powerful people are psychopaths.
There are some great men and women who are affluent or who serve in Washington, D.C. But many do have psycopathic tendencies.

Reason Number 4: The Life-Or-Death Struggle to Defend Our Beliefs

Alternet points out:

When your deepest convictions are challenged by contradictory evidence, your beliefs get stronger.

***

In 2006, Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler at The University of Michigan and Georgia State University created fake newspaper articles about polarizing political issues.

The articles were written in a way which would confirm a widespread misconception about certain ideas in American politics.
As soon as a person read a fake article, researchers then handed over a true article which corrected the first.

For instance, one article suggested the United States found weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.
The next said the U.S. never found them, which was the truth.

Those opposed to the war or who had strong liberal leanings tended to disagree with the original article and accept the second.
Those who supported the war and leaned more toward the conservative camp tended to agree with the first article and strongly disagree with the second.

These reactions shouldn’t surprise you.
What should give you pause though is how conservatives felt about the correction.

After reading that there were no WMDs, they reported being even more certain than before there actually were WMDs and their original beliefs were correct.

They repeated the experiment with other wedge issues like stem cell research and tax reform, and once again, they found corrections tended to increase the strength of the participants’ misconceptions if those corrections contradicted their ideologies.

People on opposing sides of the political spectrum read the same articles and then the same corrections, and when new evidence was interpreted as threatening to their beliefs, they doubled down.

The corrections backfired.

Once something is added to your collection of beliefs, you protect it from harm.
You do it instinctively and unconsciously when confronted with attitude-inconsistent information.

Just as confirmation bias shields you when you actively seek information, the backfire effect defends you when the information seeks you, when it blindsides you.

Coming or going, you stick to your beliefs instead of questioning them.
When someone tries to correct you, tries to dilute your misconceptions, it backfires and strengthens them instead.

Over time, the backfire effect helps make you less skeptical of those things which allow you to continue seeing your beliefs and attitudes as true and proper.

***

Psychologists call stories like these narrative scripts, stories that tell you what you want to hear, stories which confirm your beliefs and give you permission to continue feeling as you already do.

***

As the psychologist Thomas Gilovich said, “”When examining evidence relevant to a given belief, people are inclined to see what they expect to see, and conclude what they expect to conclude…for desired conclusions, we ask ourselves, ‘Can I believe this?,’ but for unpalatable conclusions we ask, ‘Must I believe this?’”

***

What should be evident from the studies on the backfire effect is you can never win an argument online.
When you start to pull out facts and figures, hyperlinks and quotes, you are actually making the opponent feel as though they are even more sure of their position than before you started the debate.

As they match your fervor, the same thing happens in your skull.
The backfire effect pushes both of you deeper into your original beliefs.

***

The backfire effect is constantly shaping your beliefs and memory, keeping you consistently leaning one way or the other through a process psychologists call biased assimilation.

Decades of research into a variety of cognitive biases shows you tend to see the world through thick, horn-rimmed glasses forged of belief and smudged with attitudes and ideologies.

***

Flash forward to 2011, and you have Fox News and MSNBC battling for cable journalism territory, both promising a viewpoint which will never challenge the beliefs of a certain portion of the audience.

Biased assimilation guaranteed.

***

The human understanding when it has once adopted an opinion draws all things else to support and agree with it.
And though there be a greater number and weight of instances to be found on the other side, yet these it either neglects and despises, or else-by some distinction sets aside and rejects, in order that by this great and pernicious predetermination the authority of its former conclusion may remain inviolate

- Francis Bacon

It is very difficult for anyone to really listen to evidence which contradicts our beliefs.
But unless we learn how to grit our teeth and do so, we will forever be victims to the divide-and-conquer game which ensures that we have politicians who will ignore our demands, we will be so wedded to one investment strategy that we will forever lose money on our investments, and we will generally be weak and disempowered people.

Reason Number 5: Forgetting that We Don’t Live in Tribes

Our brains are wired for tribal relationships:

Biologists and sociologists tell us that our brains evolved in small groups or tribes.
As one example of how profoundly the small-group environment affected our brains, Daily Galaxy points out:

Research shows that one of the most powerful ways to stimulate more buying is celebrity endorsement.
Neurologists at Erasmus University in Rotterdam report that our ability to weigh desirability and value doesn’t function normally if an item is endorsed by a well-known face.

This lights up the brain’s dorsal claudate nucleus, which is involved in trust and learning.
Areas linked to longer-term memory storage also fire up.

Our minds overidentify with celebrities because we evolved in small tribes.
If you knew someone, then they knew you.

If you didn’t attack each other, you were probably pals.

Our minds still work this way, giving us the idea that the celebs we keep seeing are our acquaintances.
And we want to be like them, because we’ve evolved to hate being out of the in-crowd.

Brain scans show that social rejection activates brain areas that generate physical pain, probably because in prehistory tribal exclusion was tantamount to a death sentence.

And scans by the National Institute of Mental Health show that when we feel socially inferior, two brain regions become more active: the insula and the ventral striatum.

The insula is involved with the gut-sinking sensation you get when you feel that small.
The ventral striatum is linked to motivation and reward.


In small groups, we knew everyone extremely well.
No one could really fool us about what type of person they were, because we had grown up interacting with them for our whole lives.

If a tribe member dressed up and pretended he was from another tribe, we would see it in a heart-beat.
It would be like seeing your father in a costume: you would recognize him pretty quickly, wouldn’t you.

As the celebrity example shows, our brains can easily be fooled by people in our large modern society when we incorrectly ascribe to them the role of being someone we should trust.

As the celebrity example shows, our brains can easily be fooled by people in our large modern society when we incorrectly ascribe to them the role of being someone we should trust.

The opposite is true as well.
The parts of our brain that are hard-wired to quickly recognize “outside enemies” can be fooled in our huge modern society, when it is really people we know dressed up like the “other team”.

***

Our brains assume that we can tell truth from fiction, because they evolved in very small groups where we knew everyone extremely well, and usually could see for ourselves what was true.

On the other side of the coin, a tribal leader who talked a good game but constantly stole from and abused his group would immediately be kicked out or killed.

No matter how nicely he talked, the members of the tribe would immediately see what he was doing.

But in a country of hundreds of millions of people, where the political class is shielded from the rest of the country, people don’t really know what our leaders are doing with most of the time.

We only see them for a couple of minutes when they are giving speeches, or appearing in photo ops, or being interviewed.
It is therefore much easier for a wolf in sheep’s clothing to succeed than in a small group setting.

Indeed, sociopaths would have been discovered very quickly in a small group.
But in huge societies like our’s, they can rise to positions of power and influence.

As with the celebrity endorsement example, our brains are running programs which were developed for an environment (a small group) we no longer live in, and so lead us astray.

Like the blind spot in our rear view mirror, we have to learn to compensate and adapt for our imperfections, or we may get clobbered.

Grow Up

The good news is that we can evolve.
While our brains have many built-in hardwired ways of thinking and processing information, they are also amazingly “plastic“.

We can learn and evolve and overcome our hardwiring — or at least compensate for our blind spots.
We are not condemned to being led astray by [banksters and power-hungry sociopaths].

We can choose to grow up as a species and reclaim our power to decide our own future.

Reason Number 6: Pretending We Know

People who don’t know much about a subject tend to over-estimate their understanding.
Ironically, experts in any subject tend to underestimate their abilities (because the more you know, the more you realize that you don’t know.)

Moreover, people who don’ t much about a subject are more hesitant to learn about it than people who know something about it.
(This may be learning a sport or a musical instrument. When you get decent at it, it becomes fun … and learning how to improve is pleasurable. On the other hand, if you make nails-on-chalkboard noises while learning how to play electric guitar or fall a lot while you’re learning how to ski, it isn’t as fun … and it is tempting to give up and avoid it if your friends try to “drag you along”. The same dynamic might apply to learning as well.)

If we realize that we are resisting learning new information — either because we assume we already know it all, or because we want to avoid the embarrassment of being a beginner — we will remain stuck where we are, and we will never grow wiser or more powerful.

If your mind is already “full”, you can’t fill it any more.
Indeed, one of the secrets of really smart people is to adopt a “beginner mind”, so that they are open to learning new information.

Reason Number 7: Apathy

The CIA notes that, public apathy allows government officials to ignore their citizens.
While it is easy to slip into apathy, we will as a people be ignored by our politicians unless we remain involved.

Reason Number 8: The CIA and Other Government Agencies Control Media, Movies, TV and Video Games

Famed Watergate reporter Carl Bernstein says the CIA has already bought and paid for many successful journalists.
A CIA operative allegedly told Washington Post editor Philip Graham … in a conversation about the willingness of journalists to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories:

You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month.

The Church Committee found that the CIA submitted stories to the American press:

[video=youtube;5ED63A_hcd0]https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=5ED63A_hcd0[/video]

The New York Times discusses in a matter-of-fact way the use of mainstream writers by the CIA to spread messages.
The government is paying off reporters to spread disinformation.

A 4-part BBC documentary called the “Century of the Self” shows that an American — Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays — created the modern field of manipulation of public perceptions, and the U.S. government has extensively used his techniques.

The Independent discusses allegations of American propaganda.
One of the premier writers on journalism says the U.S. has used widespread propaganda.

Indeed, an expert on propaganda testified under oath during trial that the CIA employs THOUSANDS of reporters and OWNS its own media organizations (the expert has an impressive background).

Of course, the Web has become a huge media force, and the Pentagon and other government agencieshave their hand in that as well.
Indeed, documents released by Snowden show that spies manipulate polls, website popularity and pageview counts, censor videos they don’t like and amplify messages they do.

The CIA and other government agencies also put enormous energy into pushing propaganda through movies, tv and video games.
We intentionally listed propaganda last, because we only fall for propaganda to the extent we fail to learn the first 7 lessons … i.e. to wake up and think for ourselves.

As Michael Rivero notes:

Most propaganda is not designed to fool the critical thinker but only to give moral cowards an excuse not to think at all.


Moral cowards … or people too lazy to learn how their own minds — and those of the bad guys — work.

 
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Roll your eyes all you want...
 
Edward Bernays' "Propaganda" Theory Has Been Perfected

Submitted by Jim Quinn via The Burning Platform blog,

When six mega-corporations who depend upon other mega-corporations, Wall Street banks and political parties for their revenue, control all of the news and information flowing to the masses, you have all the ingredients needed to control, influence and mold the opinions, tastes and ideas of the people.

We are being manipulated by men who constitute the real government, hiding in the shadows and pulling the strings.
Nothing reported by these six mega-corporation media mouthpieces for the oligarchs can be trusted.

Their job is to coverup, subvert, and obscure the truth.
And best of all, they have succeeded in convincing the people we are free and informed.

Edward Bernays would be so proud.

h/t flash

The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. …We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smoothly functioning society. …In almost every act of our daily lives, whether in the sphere of politics or business, in our social conduct or our ethical thinking, we are dominated by the relatively small number of persons…who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses. It is they who pull the wires which control the public mind.”

Edward Bernays — Propaganda — 1928
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Believe...


[video=youtube;PStpvviPgxk]https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=PStpvviPgxk[/video]
 
The Annihilation Of The Middle Class:
The Beginning Of The End For Modern America



Submitted by Daniel Drew via Dark-Bid.com,

"America’s like a beacon in the world. But I feel like I’m watching it go down the toilet in front of my eyes.
I’m fairly certain that this country is going to have pockets of Third World poverty within 50 to 60 years."

- Neill Blomkamp, director of Elysium, a dystopian science fiction movie where the rich leave the depleted earth to the poor and create a space station paradise for themselves.

Blomkamp doesn't have to wait 50 or 60 years.
America already has pockets of Third World poverty.

Wealth inequality isn't just a political issue - it's a survival issue.
\When a society hits a certain level of economic disparity, it is set on a path towards destruction.
It happened to the Roman Empire, and it will happen to the United States.

If you look at the events leading up to the downfall of the Roman Empire, you would have a hard time not noticing the similarities to the United States.

Members of the wealthy classes in ancient Rome fled to the countryside to set up independent fiefdoms for tax evasion purposes.

Just before the Facebook IPO in 2012, Eduardo Saverin, the billionaire co-founder of Facebook, renounced his American citizenship and headed to Singapore.

This was part of a not so elaborate scheme to avoid capital gains taxes on the sale of Facebook stock.

And he's not the only one.

In 2004, 158 people renounced their citizenship every 3 months.

In 2014, 789 people were leaving every 3 months.




In the fifth century, the Vandals claimed North Africa and began disrupting the Roman Empire’s trade by engaging in piracy in the Mediterranean Sea. In modern America, piracy has gone digital.

We may be able to incinerate entire cities with nuclear reactions, but we can't stop someone from hacking into your bank account - someone who can take your money without actually having to deal with the hassle of guns, masks, and high speed police chases.

This electronic piracy poses just as large of a threat to the country as the Vandals did to the ancient Romans.
And just like the ancient Romans, we probably won't be able to stop the pirates from overtaking us.

Rome’s economy depended on slaves to till its fields and work as craftsmen.
Similarly, the modern American economy depends on the wage slave labor of Starbucks baristas with master's degrees, middle-aged McDonald's workers who can't feed their families without food stamps, and Walmart greeters with AARP memberships who can't live on their social security income.

The American consumer drives the economy, and the retail slaves grease the wheels.
American society has already far exceeded ancient Rome in its wealth inequality.

Historians Walter Schiedel and Steven Friesen estimate that the 1% in ancient Rome controlled 16% of the wealth.
In modern America, the 1% control 40% of the nation's wealth.

Sylvia Allegretto, a labor economist, said the top 20% control 87.2% of wealth, and the bottom 80% control 12.8% of wealth.
But this doesn't begin to tell you the full picture of the disparity. The combined wealth of the 6 children of the Walmart founders was $69.7 billion in 2007, which was equal to the total wealth of the entire bottom 30% of the country.

However, that was in 2007 when Walmart stock was at $40. Now it's at $87.
So that means that 6 people have over $140 billion and more than twice the wealth of the bottom 30%.

Ironically, they have a charity called the Walton Family Foundation, but they don't seem interested in contributing to their own foundation.
The contributions have been relatively small, and two of them haven't contributed 1 cent.





An Oxfam International report listed some stunning data: Nearly 50% of global wealth is owned by 1% of the population.
They control $110 trillion. The richest 85 people in the world control as much wealth as the bottom half of the population.

That means 85 individuals have the same wealth as 3.6 billion people
.
In the United States, the 1% have captured 95% of growth from the "recovery" since 2009, while the bottom 90% became poorer.

That's called trickle down your leg economics.

In 2006, Warren Buffett said, "There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning."
NASA funded a study to analyze risk factors of a societal collapse.

In November 2012, the results were published.
The first factor was not really that groundbreaking: resource depletion.

The second factor was more political: high economic stratification.
Wealth inequality is right up there in priority with environmental risks.

The Gini Index (named after Corrado Gini) measures income inequality, and the CIA keeps track of it for countries around the world.
There are good reasons why they keep track of the data: Countries with higher Gini coefficients (more inequality) have lower life expectancy and higher rates of violent crime.

The CIA ranks 141 countries by their Gini coefficient.
Lesotho and South Africa are the most unequal countries on the list.

Elysium director Neill Blomkamp is from South Africa, and his experiences there influenced his films about inequality.


More inequality is correlated with lower life expectancy.

More inequality is correlated with higher theft.

More inequality is correlated with higher homicide rates.



Sweden has the lowest Gini coefficient on the list (highest equality).
The Economist described the Nordic countries as the best-governed in the world.

They are less cynical about government.
Americans withNordic roots are 10% more likely than the average American to believe that "most people can be trusted."

At the National Bureau of Economic Research, the Nordic form of government has been called "cuddly capitalism," as opposed to "cutthroat capitalism."

Think less Gangs of New York and more Ferris Bueller's Day Off.

The Swedes enjoy a range of government benefits Americans can only dream of: 480 days of paid parental leave for child care, unemployment benefits for 80% of your salary, guaranteed state pensions, and elder care, which includes meal delivery, cleaning and shopping assistance, and transportation services.

While the billionaires run to Singapore, the average American may eventually run to Sweden.
What would the reason be?

Refugee status?
Seeking asylum from the cutthroat capitalists, the modern gangs of New York?

The United States is #41, which means it is a more unequal society than 71% of the other countries on the list.
America is more unequal than Iran, Uganda, Russia, Venezuela, Cambodia, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.

Yes that's right - Pakistan - the country that sheltered Osama bin Laden and that features child massacres by the Taliban.
Pakistan's rank is #119, which means it is in the top 16%.

Remember, the Gini Index measures economic stratification - not total wealth of the country.
So theoretically, you could have a country with widespread starvation, but if everyone suffers equally, the Gini coefficient could be near zero.

You could argue that the Gini coefficient should be considered in context with other data.
Obviously, it's preferable to live in the United States and not in Pakistan, but the Gini index still matters because equality and fairness are the foundations of democratic ideals.

In 1975, the American economist Arthur Okun published a book called Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff.
He argued that pursuing equality can reduce efficiency because it reduces incentives to work hard, and any type of redistribution efforts would have prohibitively costly administrative expenses.

Okun was wrong.
A report by the International Monetary Fund found that economic equality is important for sustaining long-term growth.

I have previously discussed the downside of efficiency and why it shouldn't be the ultimate goal to strive towards.
Not everything that is efficient is good.

The guillotine was a huge advance in efficiency.
Even if Okun had been correct about the alleged tradeoff between equality and efficiency, it would have been a tradeoff worth making.

Too many economic thinkers view society as a machine which must be optimized for maximum output.
Society is not a machine.

It is a collection of valuable human lives.




Another study by the London School of Economics and Political Science showed a correlation between innovation and economic equality. Countries with more inequality experienced less innovation.




The Nordic model of cuddly capitalism shows that it's pointless to be an extremist - on the left or on the right.
Whenever you have extremists in control, you end up with absurdity.

The Swedes seek a middle ground, and their success shows it is a worthwhile effort.
What will surprise some hard line capitalists is that Adam Smith would probably endorse the Nordic model if he were alive today.

Adam Smith was a critical proponent of capitalism, and his concept of "The Invisible Hand" is a perpetual rallying call for the parishioners of the Church of Capitalism.

The Invisible Hand says what is good for me is good for everybody.
The Invisible Hand will allow the market to self-regulate without the need for government intervention.

Anyone with half a brain can see that reality is obviously much more complicated than this, but the hard line capitalists are always ready to punch you in the face with their Invisible Hand.

Adam Smith wasn't as stupid or dogmatic as his followers.
In his defining work, The Wealth of Nations, he said,

"When the regulation, therefore, is in support of the workman, it is always just and equitable; but it is sometimes otherwise when in favour of the masters...No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members are poor and miserable. It is but equity, besides, that they who feed, clothe and lodge the whole body of the people, should have such a share of the produce of their own labour as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed and lodged.''

This sounds like a pro-labor quote from Karl Marx, but it's actually straight from the original capitalist himself.

The parallels of ancient Rome and modern America are startling and undeniable.
The middle class is truly the life source of society.

Without it, nothing is left but kings among slaves.
These are the conditions that lead to uprisings.

One day, there will be a new American Revolution, and it could be quite violent.

US Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis said,

"We may have democracy, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both."



 
Fucking hate Wal-Mart…it’s stands for just about everything wrong with business in America today.
Profits over people.

Honestly, I think what the Waltons do to people who work for them is criminal.
But let's hear more about that from economist Robert Reich.

[video=youtube;_-SMetMkcVI]https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=_-SMetMkcVI[/video]​
 
Paul Krugman:
How Soaring Inequality May Lead the World Down the Path of Fascism


The esteemed columnists sees disturbing parallels to 1930s Europe.

krug_17.png

We live in scary times, Paul Krugman writes in his Friday New York Times column.
So scary that they put the esteemed economist in mind of 1930s Europe.

The rising inequality problem, well established by Thomas Piketty’s “ Capital in the Twenty-First Century”, has concentrated so much wealth in the hands of so few, while millions of other live in what Krugman poetically calls the "Valley of the despond."

The only other group that is doing well, besides the global elite, says Krugman, is "what we might call the global middle – largely consisting of the rising middle classes of China and India."

For a crystal clear view if what is going on he suggests consulting a remarkable chart of income gains around the world produced by Branko Milanovic of the City University of New York Graduate Center.

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Of course, there is a huge plus side to rising incomes for those living in those developing nations where hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of terrible poverty.

But in advanced countries, there are also worrisome signs on the horizon:

Between these twin peaks – the ever-richer global elite and the rising Chinese middle class – lies what we might call the valley of despond: Incomes have grown slowly, if at all, for people around the 20th percentile of the world income distribution.

Who are these people?
Basically, the advanced-country working classes.

And although Mr. Milanovic’s data only go up through 2008, we can be sure that this group has done even worse since then, wracked by the effects of high unemployment, stagnating wages, and austerity policies.

Furthermore, the travails of workers in rich countries are, in important ways, the flip side of the gains above and below them. Competition from emerging-economy exports has surely been a factor depressing wages in wealthier nations, although probably not the dominant force.

More important, soaring incomes at the top were achieved, in large part, by squeezing those below: by cutting wages, slashing benefits, crushing unions, and diverting a rising share of national resources to financial wheeling and dealing.


Worse still is the fact that no one is really speaking up for those who are left behind.
Conventional parties of the so-called left are barely audible in France, Britain and the U.S. Leaders like Obama are too afraid to "challenge elite priorities, in particular the obsession with budget deficits, for fear of being considered irresponsible," Krugman writes. "And that leaves the field open for unconventional leaders – some of them seriously scary – who are willing to address the anger and despair of ordinary citizens."

Here is where Krugman sounds the alarm about the rise of some parties in Europe that bear an unpleasant resemblance to something the world has seen and suffered through before.

The circumstances are ripe: this is the second time the world has experienced a global financial crisis, immediately followed by a protracted worldwide slump.
If you guessed that the first time was 1930s Europe, then you might already be worrying right along with Krugman.

In Greece, it is less-scary leftists who are on the rise.
"Elsewhere, however, we see the rise of nationalist, anti-immigrant parties like France’s National Front and the U.K. Independence Party, or UKIP, in Britain – and there are even worse people waiting in the wings," Krugman writes, concluding that if our leaders don't face up to reality, the world could get very ugly, again.

 
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Who Goes to Jail?
Matt Taibbi on
"The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap”



(There is video on the web page - http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/...ide-us-injustice-in-the-age-of-the-wealth-gap)​

In part two of our holiday special, we feature our April 2014 interview with Matt Taibbi about his book, "The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap." The book asks why the vast majority of white-collar criminals have avoided prison since the financial crisis began, while an unequal justice system imprisons the poor and people of color on a mass scale.

"It is much more grotesque to consider the non-enforcement of white-collar criminals when you do consider how incredibly aggressive law enforcement is with regard to everybody else," Taibbi says.

TRANSCRIPT:

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN:
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report_. I’m Amy Goodman. In April taibbi, journalist Matt Taibbi joined us on Democracy Now! to talk about his new book, The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap. The book asks why the vast majority of white-collar criminals have avoided prison since the financial crisis began, while an unequal justice system imprisons the poor and people of color on a mass scale. I interviewed Matt Taibbi with Democracy Now!’s Aaron Maté, and I began by asking Matt to talk about this divide.


MATT TAIBBI:
This book grew out of my experience covering Wall Street. I’ve obviously been doing it since the crash in 2008. And over and over again, I would cover these very complex and often very socially destructive capers committed by white-collar criminals. And the punchline to all of the stories were basically the same: Nobody would get indicted; nobody went to jail. And after a while, I started to become interested specifically in that phenomenon. Why was there no enforcement of any of this? And around the time of the Occupy protest, I decided to write this book, and then I shifted my focus to try to learn a lot more for myself about who does go to jail in this country, because I thought you really can’t make this comparison accurately until you learn about both sides of the equation, because it’s actually much more grotesque to consider the non-enforcement of white-collar criminals when you do consider how incredibly aggressive law enforcement is with regard to everybody else.

AARON MATÉ:
Now, you spent time with the–with the poor and vulnerable and people of color, who have been targeted by this system. There was one case of a man in New York, who lives in Bed-Stuy, standing outside of his home–

MATT TAIBBI:
Right.

AARON MATÉ:
–who was arrested. Can you take it from there?

MATT TAIBBI:
Yeah, sure. I was actually in a–I was in a law office in Brooklyn, and I was actually waiting to speak to a lawyer about another case, when I met this 35-year-old African-American man, a bus driver. And I asked him what he was there for, and he told me that he had been arrested for, quote-unquote, "obstructing pedestrian traffic." And I thought he was kidding. You know, I didn’t know what that meant. And I asked him to show me his summons, and he pulled out a little–little piece of pink paper, and there it was. It was written, you know, "obstructing pedestrian traffic," which it turns out it meant that he was standing in front of his own house at 1:00 in the morning, and the police just didn’t like the way he looked and arrested him.

And this is part of the disorderly conduct statute here in New York, but this is one of these offenses that people get roped in for. It’s part of what a city councilman in another city called an "epidemic of false arrests," basically these new stats-based police strategies. The whole idea is to rope in as many people as you can, see how many of them have guns or warrants, and then basically throw back the innocent ones. But the problem is they don’t throw back everybody. They end up sweeping up a lot of innocent people and charging them with really pointless crimes.

AARON MATÉ:
There’s a very comic scene where then he goes to court, and he has a hard time convincing his public defender why he doesn’t want to pay a fine for standing in front of his home.

MATT TAIBBI:
Yeah, and this is something that I encountered over and over and over again, is that people who were charged with these minor sort of harassing offenses, they–when the state discovers that the case against them is not very good, they start offering deals to the accused. And when people protest that "I’m not going to plead, because I didn’t do anything wrong," they keep offering better and better and better deals. And no one can understand why they won’t plead guilty, because, in reality, most people do. They will end up taking–

AMY GOODMAN:
Like all the bankers plead guilty.

MATT TAIBBI:
Right, yeah, exactly. Of course, it’s completely the opposite situation on the other side of the coin. But in the case of Andrew, the guy who was arrested for obstructing pedestrian traffic, he literally could not convince his own lawyer that he was innocent. And it took a long, long time before they got the judge to ask the policeman on duty if there was actually anybody else on the street to obstruct. And it wasn’t until that moment that they dismissed the case, and it just took that long.

AMY GOODMAN:
So let’s talk about the other side. And I want to go to Attorney General Eric Holder, his remarks before the Senate Judiciary Committee last May in which he suggests that some banks are just too big to jail.


ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER:
I am concerned that the size of some of these institutions becomes so large that it does become difficult for us to–to prosecute them when we are hit with indications that if you do prosecute, if you do bring a criminal charge, it will have a negative impact on the national economy, perhaps even the world economy. And I think that is a function of the fact that some of these institutions have become too large. Again, I’m not talking about HSBC; this is just a more general comment. I think it has an inhibiting influence, impact, on our ability to bring resolutions that I think would be more appropriate.

AMY GOODMAN:
That was Attorney General Eric Holder testifying before Congress. His remarks were widely criticized. This is Federal Judge Jed Rakoff speaking last November at the University of Pennsylvania Law School.


JUDGE JED RAKOFF:
To a federal judge, who takes an oath to apply the law equally to rich and poor, this excuse, sometimes labeled the too-big-to-jail excuse, is, frankly, disturbing for what it says about the department’s apparent disregard for equality under the law.

AMY GOODMAN:
That’s Federal Judge Jed Rakoff. Matt Taibbi, if you could respond? And then talk about the history of Eric Holder, where he came from.

MATT TAIBBI:
Well, first of all, this idea that some companies are too big to jail, it makes some sense in the abstract. In a vacuum, of course it makes sense. If you have a company, a storied company that may have existed for a hundred, 150 years, that employs tens or maybe even 100,000 people, you may not want to criminally charge that company willy-nilly and wreck the company and cause lots of people to lose their jobs.
But there are two problems with that line of thinking if you use it over and over and over again. One is that there’s no reason you can’t proceed against individuals in those companies. It’s understandable to maybe not charge the company, but in the case of a company like HSBC, which admitted to laundering $850 million for a pair of Central and South American drug cartels, somebody has to go to jail in that case. If you’re going to put people in jail for having a joint in their pocket or for slinging dime bags on the corner in a city street, you cannot let people who laundered $800 million for the worst drug offenders in the world walk.

AMY GOODMAN:
Wait, this can’t be a parenthetical. Explain what you’re talking about with HSBC.

MATT TAIBBI:
So, HSBC, again, this is one of the world’s largest banks. It’s Europe’s largest bank. And a few years ago, they got caught, swept up for a variety of offenses, money-laundering offenses. But one of them involved admitting that they had laundered $850 million for a pair–for two drug cartels, one in Mexico and one in South America, and including the notorious Sinaloa drug cartel in Mexico that is suspected in thousands of murders.

And in that case, they paid a fine; they paid a $1.9 billion fine. And some of the executives had to defer their bonuses for a period of five years–not give them up, defer them. But there were no individual consequences for any of the executives. Nobody had to pull money out of their own pockets for permanently. And nobody did a single day in jail in that case.
And that, to me, was an incredibly striking case. I ran that very day to the courthouse here in New York, and I asked around to the public defenders, you know, "What’s the dumbest drug case you had today?" And I found somebody who had been thrown in Rikers for 47 days for having a joint in his pocket. So–

AMY GOODMAN:
And that’s–is that even illegal?

MATT TAIBBI:
No, in New York City, actually, it’s not illegal to carry a joint around in your pocket. It was decriminalized way back in the late '70s. But with part of the now past stop-and-frisk, what they do is they would stop you, and then they would search you and force you to empty your pockets. When you empty your pockets, now it's no longer concealed, and now it’s illegal again. So they had–in that year, they had 50,000 marijuana arrests, even though marijuana–having marijuana was technically decriminalized at the time.
So, my point was: Here’s somebody at the bottom, he’s a consumer of the illegal narcotics business, and he’s going to jail, and then you have these people who are at the very top of the illegal narcotics business, and they’re getting a complete walk. And that’s just totally unacceptable.

AARON MATÉ:
But back to this doctrine that you can’t punish an entire company for the misdeeds of a few because you might hurt the economy, you might hurt shareholders, you know, some of which are pension holders and–pension funds and so forth, how do you get from hurting a–how do you equate hurting an entire company to just not jailing a couple of executives?

MATT TAIBBI:
Well, that’s the whole point. They’ve conflated the two things. Originally–so, this–to answer the second part of your original question, "Where does this come from? Where does this doctrine come from?" way back in 1999, when Eric Holder was a deputy attorney general in the–in Clinton’s administration, he wrote a memo that has now come to be known as "the Holder Memo." And in it, he outlined a number of things. Actually, it was originally considered a get-tough-on-corporate-crime memo, because it gave prosecutors a number of new tools with which they could go after corporate criminals.

But at the bottom of it, there was this thing that he laid out called the "collateral consequences doctrine." And what "collateral consequences" meant was that if you’re a prosecutor and you’re targeting one of these big corporate offenders and you’re worried that you may affect innocent victims, that shareholders or innocent executives may lose their jobs, you may consider other alternatives, other remedies besides criminal prosecutions–in other words, fines, nonprosecution agreements, deferred prosecution agreements. And again, at the time, it was a completely sensible thing to lay out. Of course it makes sense to not always destroy a company if you can avoid it. But what they’ve done is they’ve conflated that sometimes-sensible policy with a policy of not going after any individuals for any crimes. And that’s just totally unacceptable.

AARON MATÉ:
Is it not the case that some of these cases are just too complex to explain to a jury?

MATT TAIBBI:
Yes. And that–well, they are complex, and juries do have a difficult time with them, but they’re not impossible to explain to a jury. I mean, I attended a trial involving bid rigging in the municipal bond markets where they obtained convictions. Now, that case couldn’t have been more complicated. That was as hard as a case gets. And I actually watched some of the jurors fighting off sleep in the early days of the trial.

That’s how difficult it was. And in that case, amusingly, one of the attorneys for the banks got up initially, and he tried to defend his client’s behavior by saying, you know, "When you call up a–if your washing machine breaks and you call the repairman and he tells you how much it costs, you just have to trust him what the price is because you don’t understand how to fix your washing machine, and we do." In other words, this stuff is so complex, you just have to take our word for it that we didn’t commit a crime. And–but that excuse, I think that’s a weak excuse that prosecutors give out. It’s a cop-out for not taking on, you know, difficult cases. Rich or poor, black or white, if somebody has broken the law, you should want to go after wrongdoers no matter who they are, and the fact that it’s a difficult crime to prove should just be more of a challenge for you.

AMY GOODMAN:
I want to turn to remarks by Lanny Breuer in 2012 about prosecuting large companies. At the time, he was the assistant attorney general. He spoke before the New York City Bar Association.


LANNY BREUER:
I personally feel that it’s my duty to consider whether individual employees, with no responsibility for or knowledge of misconduct committed by others in the same company, are going to lose their livelihood if we indict the corporation. In large multinational companies, the jobs of tens of thousands of employees can literally be at stake. And in some cases, the health of an industry or the markets are a very real factor. Those are the kinds of considerations in white-collar cases that literally keep me up at night, and which must, must play a role in responsible enforcement.

AMY GOODMAN:
That’s Lanny Breuer in 2012, who was like number two in the Justice Department.

MATT TAIBBI:
He was the head of the Criminal Division, so he’s basically the top cop in America at the time.

AMY GOODMAN:
He was at the Justice Department; of course, Eric Holder is the attorney general–both from the same company. Respond to what he said, and then talk about Covington & Burling.

MATT TAIBBI:
Well, first of all, his–that whole thing about the innocent white-collar employees perhaps losing their livelihoods keeping him up at night, I want to know what his response is to, you know, the idea that maybe a single mother on welfare is going to lose her kids because she’s going to lose custody in an $800 welfare fraud case. You know, I saw so many of these cases that it was–that is was just overwhelming to me. Those are the kinds of things that would keep me up at night if I were the attorney general, thinking about the consequences that ordinary people feel–suffer when they are caught up in the criminal justice system.

People–for instance, again, going back to welfare fraud, your relatives can lose their Section 8 housing. So, you know, if you’re–again, if you’re on welfare and you get caught in a fraud case, that may just involve checking the wrong box or having somebody, one of your neighbors, say that you have a boyfriend living in your house, when you really don’t, your mother or your grandmother can lose their housing because of something like that. That would be the stuff that would keep me up at night. I mean, I wouldn’t be worried about millionaire and billionaire executives, you know, who are working at these banks, if I were Lanny Breuer. So that tells you a lot about the priorities of somebody like him.

AMY GOODMAN:
And talk about Lanny Breuer, Eric Holder, where they come from, where they go back to.

MATT TAIBBI:
So they both came from a law firm called Covington & Burling, which in the 2000s represented basically every single one of the too-big-to-fail banks. They were also involved in the setting up of the electronic mortgage registry, so they played an enormous role in the subprime mortgage crisis.
But here’s the key thing about the presence of these two people at the head of the attorney–of the Justice Department. Prosecutors, by and large–and I interviewed a lot of prosecutors for this book–they basically all have the same personality, the old-school prosecutors. They’re just–if you think of somebody like Eliot Spitzer, they’re all like bulldogs. They just want to get their–you know, get their target; by hook or crook, it doesn’t really matter. They have this ferocious aspect to their personalities. And it’s an admirable quality in a prosecutor. They’re all kind of the same, in a certain way.

Cops are the same way. But in the 2000s, that kind of person started to be replaced in the regulatory system by a new kind of figure who tended to come from the corporate defense community. And their attitude was not, you know, get their target at all costs; it was more: "Let’s bring a bunch of people in a room and hammer out a solution where all the sides are going to end up walking out happy." And that’s why we end up with settlements, like the $13 billion Chase settlement last year or the $1.9 billion HSBC settlement, instead of prosecutions.

AMY GOODMAN:
Covington & Burling represented JPMorgan Chase.

MATT TAIBBI:
They did, yeah, and a host of other banks that also were involved in nonprosecutions during this time. So, I mean, it’s–you have a whole bunch of people sort of at the top of the regulatory agencies, whether it’s Justice, the SEC, the CFTC, maybe the Enforcement Division of the SEC, who all came from these big banks or from law firms that represented these big banks. And it’s a very incestuous community.

And just like you talked about with James Kidney, the SEC official who left, as a result of this kind of merry-go-round of people who all work for the same companies–and they’re going to go to government for a while, then they’re going to go back to the corporate defense community after they leave and make millions of dollars–they’re very, very reluctant to be aggressive against these companies, because it’s their–culturally, they’re the same people as their targets, whereas there isn’t that same simpatico with the very poor. And I think that’s a very–it’s an important distinction to make, and people don’t understand it.

AARON MATÉ:
You also suggest that Holder and Breuer are perhaps overly concerned with their conviction rate–

MATT TAIBBI:
Oh, yeah.

AARON MATÉ:
–and that’s why they don’t go after these banks.

MATT TAIBBI:
Again, that’s something I heard over and over again from people within the Justice Department, that once those two came in, the edict came down from above that we were only going to go after cases where we were absolutely sure we were going to win. Now, you can never guarantee a victory in any criminal case, and oftentimes the cases are difficult to prove or the evidence may not be 100 percent there, but the state has a moral obligation to proceed with investigations and, in many cases, criminal cases against people who are guilty.

You know, the fact that it’s difficult shouldn’t be a limiting factor. And that’s why you saw–instead of cases against these big banks, you saw ridiculously large amounts of resources devoted to things like prosecuting Barry Bonds or Roger Clemens, you know, cases where there are like only a couple of pieces of evidence and it was hard to screw up. And yet, you know, they didn’t always succeed even in those cases. So, it was a terrible, terrible thing for the Justice Department during that period.

 
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What do a disease-fighting epidemiologist (retired) and an up-and-coming social psychologist have in common?
They’re both fascinated by the unseen social problems hidden behind the word “inequality.” Beyond the lack of access to money and power – what does inequality do to us as human beings?

Epidemiologist Richard Wilkinson (TED Talk: How economic inequality harms societies) spent his career studying chronic health problems – with the growing realization that most health issues are caused, or worsened, by poverty and inequality.

This awareness led him to co-found the Equality Trust and co-write the book The Spirit Level: Why Equality Is Better for Everyone).
Meanwhile, social psychologist Paul Piff (TED Talk: Does money make you mean?) studies the psychological effects of wealth – and what happens when you, say, rig a Monopoly game.

In this freewheeling conversation, Wilkinson and Piff find their common ground – and go from there.
A lightly edited version of their conversation follows:

Paul Piff: Richard, maybe we could begin with a description of where you started, and some of your basic findings and how that converges with mine.

Richard Wilkinson: Well, I got into studying inequality from, really, studying health inequality, the huge social-class differences in death rates between rich and poor, between well-educated and badly educated, between people in rich and poor areas, and so on. In most of our countries, people in richer areas live anywhere from 5 to 12 or even 14 years longer than people in poor areas, and that’s always seemed to me like the biggest human-rights abuse you could imagine, worse in a way than locking people up without trial. And people around the world were doing research on the causes of these health differences, and I focused particularly on income, trying to see if health was responsive to changes in income, and from there thinking that the death rates of the poor are more responsive to changes in income than the death rates of the rich were. I thought maybe countries with greater equality – with the rich less rich and the poor better off – would have better overall health. And I found that was much truer than I would have imagined. The relationships I looked at first, I’m talking about the mid-1980s, were much closer than I imagined. With each step up the inequality ladder, bigger income differences between rich and poor, the worse a country did in terms of life expectancy. Very striking relationships.

PP: Yours is some of the work that best shows how inequality shapes people’s individual lives. It sheds light on how inequality shapes the very fundamental outcome of someone’s life, like their health, the physical symptoms of a person’s body. The broad agenda of my research, and it really dovetails with yours, is how inequality and differences in people’s levels of wealth shape the mind, shape the way people see the world and behave towards one another. I’m a social psychologist, and I’m really interested in how status, inequality, stratification, shape the basic things people do, like their tendencies to feel compassion, their tendencies to cooperate with others. These are fundamental questions in psychology. What is it that drives people to band together versus prioritize themselves? One of the broader lessons we’ve been learning over the last 10 years of research is that, in lots of really interesting ways, a person’s levels of wealth, and their status relative to others in their society, shape their tendencies to prioritize themselves, feel entitled, to cooperate versus behave in self-interested ways, across a variety of different domains of social life.

RW: Yes, it sounds like you got into the psycho-social effects of status and inequality from the beginning. But in health, we started off imagining that differences in rates of disease had entirely material causes. And then gradually it looked as if there were psycho-social factors mediated by chronic stress, which acted as general vulnerability factors in health – in a way looking like the effects of more rapid aging, making you more vulnerable to a whole range of diseases. But the most important stressers seem to be things to do with social relationships. For instance, friendship seems highly protective of health, and things to do with low social status are very damaging. The other part of that picture is that a difficult early childhood, stress in early life, seems to cast a long shadow forward. The picture of the importance of these psycho-social things is now really strong, so that in the rich, developed countries, psycho-social factors look like among the most important influencers in population health.

PP: I was curious, when you mentioned psycho-social factors, I just wanted to know a little bit more about the kinds of psycho-social factors you were referring to.

RW: Well, the biology of chronic stress, I suppose, is fairly similar across a wide range of mammals. And in human beings, we had always regarded classification by social class as simply a proxy for the real determinants of health that we saw, that we imagined were material factors – like diet and what you’re working with and what you’re exposed to at work and maybe housing, air pollution, things like that. But gradually, it started looking more and more like social status itself was a really important determinant of health, and that was really confirmed when we became aware of people doing work on non-human primates, macaques and baboons, looking at some of the psycho-social, the stress effects of social status in those animals, and seeing remarkable parallels between what came out of experiments in animals. You could manipulate social status by moving animals between groups, and you could give them the same material conditions and feed them the same diets, and you saw that the social status changes under those conditions had remarkably similar effects to what we were observing associated with social status in human beings. But I suppose I regard social status, ranking systems, as almost the opposite of issues to do with friendship. I think the fundamental issue is whether we fight each other for access to basic necessities, or whether we recognize each other’s need and share access, and one is about status and power and the other is about friendship and reciprocity. Inequality pushes us away from the reciprocity towards competitive striving for personal, individual advantage, not recognizing the other’s needs.
THE FUNDAMENTAL ISSUE IS WHETHER WE FIGHT EACH OTHER FOR ACCESS TO BASIC NECESSITIES, OR WHETHER WE RECOGNIZE EACH OTHER’S NEED AND SHARE ACCESS.
PP: Inequality gets reflected in a fraying, if you will, of the social bonds, of social cohesion. It leads to, in many ways, a dissolution of the trust that emergent groups and strong, cooperative groups rely on. One of the things that’s striking to me, and you mentioned work in health and in health psychology, is that for many years, a lot of the research on health and inequality gave rise to this understanding that it’s really the people who feel subjectively lower on the social ladder or who are objectively poorer, who experience all the negative outcomes, whether it’s higher rates of obesity, or increased cardiovascular disease, or higher rates of depression.

Inequality is genuinely bad for those on the bottom, and there are a lot of really intuitive reasons to think about why that might be: They have less control over their own lives. They have less access to resources. They get less respect in the scene, in their social groups. But one of the emerging insights out of our work – and I think your work, Richard, also points to this – is that inequality isn’t just bad for a certain subsection of the population. It’s not just bad for the people on the bottom. It’s actually bad for the group as a whole. In our work, we’re finding that there are these really interesting social costs associated with wealth, in a sense.

Wealth shapes behavior in some potentially counterintuitive but certainly pernicious ways and causes people to abandon certain kinds of ethics, to prioritize their own interests over the interests of other people, to behave in ways that are potentially less trustworthy, less honorable. They become more competitive, less compassionate, less moral in certain ways. And your work also suggests that there are costs associated with inequality that resound across all strata of society and not just among those on the bottom, and I wondered if you could say a little bit more about why that would be. Why is it that inequality is costly potentially for everyone and not just those on the receiving end?


RW: We find the biggest effects of inequality are lower down in the social ladder, but it looks to us as if the vast majority of the population is adversely affected by increases in inequality. Simply, people on the bottom of the social ladder are affected more than people further up. And I think that’s because inequality changes the whole social milieu, if you like. It leads to more status competition, more status insecurity. Status becomes more important, you know. Some people are incredibly important, while some of the people at the bottom seem almost worthless – but we all become more worried about where we are. Think of this as an evolved sensitivity to social ranking systems – if we’re in a social environment where rank is important, we are very sensitive to that. We know how to play games to do with status and how to be snobbish and so on, put people down, build ourselves up. But we also know how to develop friendships on the egalitarian basis of friendship. Those are two different ways in which people can come together, and I think the nature of the material differences between us tells us what kind of game we have to play in our society, whether it’s about reciprocity, recognition of each other’s needs, or whether it’s everyone for themselves.

And ranking systems, I think your work shows that very clearly, ranking systems are about self-interest, and the sense of entitlement. Further up, it looks to me very much like the dominant baboon. He’s able to see off the subordinates and can basically do what he likes, rather the way these people with big bonuses have been doing with the runaway top incomes. I’ve been interested in some papers showing that bullying in schools is much more common in unequal societies, because I think that, in a way, hierarchies, certainly in animals, are about bullying relationships. Ranking systems are rankings based on power, and the dominants can see off the subordinates, and whether that’s a nice place to sit in the shade or whether that’s eating first, the dominants have it. Although we don’t have good measures of bullying amongst adults, internationally comparable measures, we do for bullying amongst children, and I think to see those bullying relationships coming out even amongst children among more unequal societies is quite remarkable.

PP: It would suggest that the markers, the effects, the consequences of inequality on the vigilance to status, the anxiety about status, the vying for status, that you see emerge in groups, in societies with increasing levels of inequality, is found not only among the adults, who have already formed an understanding of where they stand in relation to others, but it’s also reflected in the behavior of children, suggesting that the signs of inequality, the manifestations of status anxiety and concern about where one stands in relation to others, emerges very, very young, and is something that people begin to carry around with them or that shapes a person’s life very, very early on.

RW: I’m quite sure that’s true. The very life influence is, I think, powerful and probably includes epigenetic effects, epigenetic responses, ways in which the early environment switches genes on and off, changes gene expression. So, brought up in one environment, you will develop differently than if you were brought up in another environment, and I think family relationships, whether you have a depressed parent or you have a lot of domestic conflict or parents too exhausted to have time for you, all of those things affect your development and lead to being less fully socially developed, compared to if you’re brought up with parents who have a lot of time for you, get used to a lot of eye contact, interaction, handling, physical contact, all that kind of sharing develops you in a much more social way. So I think these things feed into, again, whether you are being prepared to live in a society where we have to fight for what we can get, learn not to trust others because we’re all rivals, or whether we are being prepared for a world in which we will depend on reciprocity and cooperation, where empathy is important. And those are very different developmental trajectories, but I would imagine that you as a psychologist would know more about those kinds of developmental patterns.

PP: Yeah, and it’s interesting that you bring that up. In our work and the work of sociologists and ethnographers studying different kinds of families and parenting patterns as a function of status and wealth, it yields this understanding that the values that children grow up with are often a function of their family’s socioeconomic status. So for instance, the kinds of things that parents value and stress as being of value to their kids often vary as a function of income, often vary as a function of wealth. For instance, whether the family stresses personal achievement, the expression of your individual talents and desires, standing out from the pack – seems to be more a value of individuals in families of upper socioeconomic standing, relative to the values of families that emerge out of lower socioeconomic groups, which really stress the community, relating to others, valuing the well-being of others, and not standing out from the pack but rather fitting in. And it’s interesting to think about how those values might play into the kinds of things you prioritize in your daily life, what kind of jobs you would go for, and also the emergence of exacerbating levels of inequality over time because of what one socio-economic group may or may not value relative to another socio-economic group.

RW: Yes, I agree those patterns are important. I should have said, behavioral outcomes like violence or teenage births or drug abuse. There’s a paper by Sheri Johnson, who you may know, writing about what she calls the dominance behavioral system, showing that there are psychological responses to status differentiation. If you’re in a status hierarchy, then there will be amongst some people a struggle to avoid subordination, or an acceptance of subordination, or a struggle for dominance, and those all contributing to a range of, I suppose, mental illnesses and personality disorders, and I think she mentions things in particular like depression and schizophrenia and antisocial personality issues, all perhaps exacerbated by issues to do with dominance and subordination in our societies.

PP: Yeah, and I think that work is really compelling. In your own book The Spirit Level you talk about not only these kinds of outcomes, for instance incarceration rates, but also various kinds of psycho-social outcomes or consequences of inequality and rising levels of inequality. For instance, we talked about social trust, and did you find, for instance, growing rates of depression in societies with greater levels of inequality?

RW: Other people have. It’s not our work, but there are several papers showing that tendency, for depression to be more common in more unequal societies. There’s another paper showing the same of schizophrenia, and I think Sheri has just completed a paper on psychotic symptoms, which seem more common in more unequal societies. So there are a number of ways in which issues to do with being better or worse than other people, superior or inferior, intrude on social relationships and affect us very deeply. It’s extraordinarily destructive of good social relationships that are so essential to human wellbeing. We all know what we most enjoy is sitting around chatting and joking with friends we are at ease with. It’s damaging to that kind of fellowship.

PP: Yeah. I absolutely agree with that. In our own work, when we ask people to reflect on those things in their lives that they found the most meaningful, people rarely point to individual achievements and the things that they did to outperform and outcompete others. Now, those things are important to well-being. It’s important to think you have done things that are worthy and valued by others. But far more often, people refer to those episodes where they were embedded with a community, those experiences where they really connected with others, connected with loved ones, felt valued, trusting of others, felt like others were respecting of them, like they were actually reaching some deep connection with their social relationships.

And I think that’s a really important insight into what it is, both in terms of psychological values but even what the human nervous system, people’s physiological systems, health systems are wired to value and prioritize. It’s really social relations, cooperation, interdependence in many ways. And so social inequality and a constant vigilance towards status and anxiety about where you stand in relationship to others, which you would argue and I would agree is exacerbated in groups with lots of inequality – well then, those are the very things that undermine the social relationships, the trust, the embeddedness, those things that we as individuals care about deeply and that deeply and significantly contribute to our well-being and ultimately to our satisfaction with our lives.
WHEN WE ASK PEOPLE TO REFLECT ON THINGS IN THEIR LIVES THAT THEY FOUND THE MOST MEANINGFUL, PEOPLE RARELY POINT TO INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS AND THE THINGS THEY DID TO OUTPERFORM OTHERS.
RW: When societies become more fearful, less trusting, less empathetic, you see this more punitive approach to crime. I mean, that’s why imprisonment is more common in more unequal societies, much more common. In unequal societies, perhaps 10 times as high a proportion of the population is imprisoned as in more equal societies. And that is not mainly more crime, it’s mainly about longer sentences. And that is a sign of something going badly wrong with the quality of social relations.

PP: Right. Right. Yeah. As I think about it, this is just a caricature of the work in certain ways, or a generalization, but it’s such an important point, and it makes sense that with inequality emerges an increased awareness and increased incidence of those things that separate people. So with increased inequality come increased markers of status. Your differences, the differences between people become ever salient, and with those factors, whether it’s differences in material well-being, differences in the kinds of cars people drive or the homes they live in, the jobs they have, if those things become increasingly disparate in society, with growing inequality in society, then so too is the decline of trust, those things that you see as making you similar to other people or that are essential to forging relationships and forging independence, people’s relationships become increasingly frayed.

Trust will go down. Those perceived similarities between yourself and others will go down, and so too then would the other effects sort of ricochet and resound, like incarceration rates, and this is obviously patterns that emerge over time, over long periods of time, this isn’t something that happens from A to B to C to D in seconds. It’s really an unfolding cascade of effects, but I think it’s a really compelling point to think about how all of this emerges out of the fraying of the social fabric that is a consequence of rising rates of social inequality.

Here’s one of the questions that comes to my mind. I think you, Richard, have encountered criticism of your work or of related work, and I know a lot of our research and other research on the psycho-social effects of inequality has been met with criticism, and it brings to mind an interesting question: Why is it that some people have a resistance to discussing inequality? It’s there, people are aware of it, but why is economic inequality such a controversial, intractable topic in conversation?


RW: I often think it’s because people misunderstand some important causal connections. The common view I suppose is, if you’re bright, you move up the social hierarchy, and if you’re not, you move down, and people feel their position is a reflection of their ability, and we judge each other’s ability by our position in the social hierarchy, and that’s why it’s so hurtful in a way. We take external wealth as an indication of social worth. But the causality, I think, goes mainly in the opposite direction, that differences in ability are much more of a result of the position in the social hierarchy in which you are born and brought up, with fewer opportunities or perhaps less education, a whole range of things like that. I don’t know if you know the stereotype threat experiments, which show that being made to feel inferior in one way or another, how powerfully those affect performance. So rather than your position in the social hierarchy being a reflection of your innate ability, as we learn more about the malleability of the human brain in early life, it becomes clear that the causality is the other way around.

PP: Right. Right. Right.

RW: And I think that’s really crucial.

PP: I think that’s really well put, and in American society, I think talking about inequality, as important as it is, it’s an anxiety-provoking issue, and I’ve been thinking recently about the range of reasons, the myriad reasons why that might be the case, because certainly talking about an important issue is an important step towards being willing to make changes or take efforts toward rectifying whatever that issue might be, including the issue of economic inequality. And it seems to me like the issue of inequality, and certainly the issue of deservingness, comes up once you start talking about social mobility, which itself is sort of a hallmark of the American Dream.

American society, in many ways, is built on this explicit idea that if you work hard, because of your individual talents and efforts you can rise in the ranks and attain those things we value so much as individuals. If we begin finding that social mobility isn’t actually randomly distributed across society, that it’s actually concentrated in a particular subgroup, and in particular it’s concentrated among those who are already fairly high up in the hierarchy, well then, that could be a problem, because it suggests that this meritocracy, this society that we want to believe is really premised on individual deservingness where people get what they work for and get what they deserve, well, that’s not the entire story, and that’s a dissonant, threatening thing to accept.

RW: Yes, I remember we published some data suggesting that social mobility is lower in more unequal societies, and we published it when there was very little comparable international data on social mobility, but since then there have been several more demonstrations of that tendency toward lower social mobility in more unequal society using independent data, including one study by Alan Krueger, who is I think chair of Obama’s economic advisory committee, and what inequality does is I suppose strengthen the ability of the wealthy to pass on their advantages to their children, but I also think it strengthens what I also call downward social prejudices. The prejudices, whether it’s class or ethnicity or prejudices against women, prejudice against any weaker group, I think is strengthened by greater inequality, because inequality is about dominance and looking after yourself, often at other people’s expense.

PP: Richard, you mentioned dominance hierarchies among non-human primates or even other mammalian species beyond primate societies or primate groups. So there is reason to think that dominance hierarchies, status, not necessarily social status per se, but dominance and stratification, are a part of life, are in certain ways a fundamental part of how mammals come to be in existing groups. In certain ways, dominant hierarchies can be efficient. They help coordinate action. They help coordinate group life. They help coordinate who does what. And so I don’t know that we could eradicate them even if we wanted to, or that it would even be wise to argue for the eradication of inequality or dominance hierarchies.

RW: The sort of income differences we have in the United States and Britain are twice as big, and if you compare as we do the income going to the top and bottom 20% of the population, the gap between the top and bottom 20% is twice as big in countries like the United States and Britain as it is in some of the Scandinavian countries. And so there’s no doubt where we can have societies with very different levels of inequality. But I think also it’s worth remembering that throughout most of the human existence, prehistoric existence, as hunters and gatherers, you know, we typically lived in very egalitarian societies.

I don’t know if you know Christopher Boehm’s recent book Moral Origins, and I think it’s extraordinary. He’s now put together electronically searchable data on I believe 200 hunting-and-gathering societies showing this pattern of remarkable equality. Inequality begins in these terms relatively recently with agriculture, the beginnings of agriculture, in the last few thousand years. And so I think it’s clear human beings have lived in everything from the most egalitarian societies to the most hierarchical, and I don’t think we should regard ourselves as fixed in any way.

And indeed, if you think of our closest relatives, non-humans, chimps and bonobos, one, the chimp, is fairly hierarchical, and the bonobo much more egalitarian. The bonobos, I believe the females are smaller than the males, as often happens, but the females eat first, and their social structure is very different. I think it’s important to recognize, as humans, our culture determines how we behave. But our evolved psychology means there are particular aspects of our environment that we are sensitive to, and again and again it seems to me this issue of friendship and reciprocity versus dominance and the pursuit of self-interest.
IT’S CLEAR HUMAN BEINGS HAVE LIVED IN EVERYTHING FROM THE MOST EGALITARIAN SOCIETIES TO THE MOST HIERARCHICAL, AND I DON’T THINK WE SHOULD REGARD OURSELVES AS FIXED IN ANY WAY.
PP: Yeah. And I really like the point that you raised about human nature not being fixed and that people really are in many ways quite malleable and sensitive to changes in the external environment, changes in culture, and that the ways in which behavior emerges and manifests itself are really quite malleable. And in our work, if it’s the case, as we’ve been finding, that wealthy people and less well-off people behave differently, well, it’s also the case, as we’ve been finding, that, for instance, the empathy gap that we often document between those that have and those that don’t, isn’t in any way fixed.

It’s not the case at all that wealthy people are characteristically bad and that there’s no way in any way to change their behavior to the positive ends of the spectrum —rather that little behavioral nudges, little reminders of more egalitarian social values, or little bursts of compassion, can have these really interesting and important effects, which would suggest that the effects of inequality, at least on a social, behavioral level aren’t irreversible at all but are really rather quite sensitive to even subtle changes to people’s environments and people’s values.

RW: And in relation to that, what can you say about whether high-status people that you’ve shown behaving badly in a number of ways, whether they’ve been selected with those characteristics, or whether it’s their high status that makes them in some ways more anti-social?

PP: So this is the question, it’s a good question, is it one of causation versus correlation?

RW: Well, it’s easy to imagine people who are out for themselves are dominant.

PP: There’s reason to believe that that’s at least in part what’s going on. I know that there’s other work outside of ours that suggests that people who value individual achievements more are going to be slightly more likely to rise in the ranks of an organization and potentially in groups. But it’s also the case that we’ve been finding a bi-directional thing happening, such that self-interested people over time may be more likely to aggregate resources and become more dominant, although there’s work on Machiavellianism and people who get demoted in groups which suggests that the antisocial people are not those who maintain positions of dominance and leadership but may be more likely to rise over time.

But our work would suggest that there is also another arrow flowing from being dominant, being in a position of power, high status, and wealth, that actually causes you to be more entitled or to become more self-focused and self-interested, and in fact, in a lot of our studies, and this is work that’s been shown in other laboratories, is that when you make people, even those who are actually in their real lives not all that high status at all, not that dominant at all, when you bring those people into the lab and make them feel, even temporarily, better off than others, or make them feel more powerful, or make them feel subjectively higher in status or higher in rank, all of a sudden they begin to behave as if they’re actually wealthier or more high status. So this subjective perception of where you stand in relation to others, in particular feeling like you’re better off than others, actually makes you more entitled, more prioritizing of your self-interest, and, in our studies, sometimes more unethical, more likely to even be willing to break the rules.

RW: Does your work suggest that high-stakes people treat everyone badly or just their subordinates badly?

PP: That may be part of what’s going on. We often study the behavior of people towards strangers, so situations are absent cues about who the person is you might be helping, but by default, it might be that wealthier, higher-status individuals just naturally think that they’re going to be interacting with someone who is a subordinate. So it might be in a lot of cases what we might be doing is measuring behavior of high-status individuals toward people that they presume or believe are lower in status.

And in fact this is an issue we’re exploring right now, it’s not data that’s out yet, but we’re actually finding that although in general it’s true that higher-status individuals are less socially engaged, less considerate of the needs of others, in general, when it comes to peers or particularly individuals that are even higher status than them, you see a slight reversal in their behavior.

Whereas initially they were, say, more self-interested toward a subordinate, when it’s a peer or someone who is in their social group, or someone that they hold in higher esteem than themselves, their values reverse a bit. They become a little bit more cooperative, a little bit more respectful, almost as if they’re becoming a subordinate, taking on some of the characteristics of a slightly poorer person. They become more agreeable, more compassionate, more socially engaged, more socially considerate.
 
10 Rules for Dealing with Cops, By a Cop

Few people understand that your constitutional rights only apply if you understand and assert them.

By Neill Franklin / LEAP
January 5, 2015


As a 33-year law enforcement veteran and former training commander with the Maryland State Police and Baltimore Police Department, I know how easy it is to intimidate citizens into answering incriminating questions or letting me search through their belongings. This reality might make things easier for police looking to make an easy arrest, but it doesn't always serve the interests of justice. That's why I believe all citizens should understand how to protect their constitutional rights and make smart decisions when dealing with officers of the law.

Unfortunately, this important information has remained largely unavailable to the public, despite growing concerns about police misconduct and the excesses of the war on drugs. For this reason, I agreed to serve as a technical consultant for the important new film, 10 Rules for Dealing with Police. The 40-minute docudrama aims to educate the public about basic legal and practical survival strategies for handling even the scariest police encounters. It was produced by the civil liberties group Flex Your Rights and is narrated by former federal judge and acclaimed Baltimore trial lawyer William "Billy" Murphy, Jr.

The opening scene portrays Darren, a young black man getting pulled over. He's driving home from college. This is the fifth time he's been pulled over in a year. Frustrated and scared, Darren immediately breaks Rule #1: Always Be Calm & Cool. Mouthing off to the officer, Darren aggressively exits the car and slams the door. The officer overreacts, dropping Darren with a taser shot to his chest.

Should the officer have tased Darren in that situation? Probably not. Would the officer likely be disciplined? No. But that's not the main point of 10 Rules. The point is that the choices you make during the course of such encounters have a massive impact on whether it ends with a simple warning, a tasing -- or worse. This is true even if you've done nothing illegal.

While being calm and cool is key to getting the best possible outcome, it's not enough to keep police from violating your constitutional rights. For example, when the officer commandingly asks Darren "You're not hiding any AK-47s in there? You don't mind if I take a look?", Darren gets tricked like most people do.

Intimidated and unaware of other options, he consents to the search. The officer carelessly dumps his bags, accidentally shattering Darren's laptop on the asphalt. In another "what if" scenario, the officer finds a small amount of marijuana hidden away. While someone else might have left it there, Darren winds up getting arrested.

What few people understand, but police know all too well, is that your constitutional rights only apply if you understand and assert them. Unless they have strong evidence (i.e. probable cause) police need your permission to search your belongings or enter your home. The instant you grant them permission to invade your privacy, many of your legal protections go out the window and you're left on the hook for anything illegal the police find, as well as any damage they cause in the process.

Of course, even if you know your basic rights, police officers are trained to shake your confidence. If you refuse a search, I might respond by threatening to call in a drug-sniffing dog and sternly reminding you that things will go much easier if you cooperate. Creating a sense of hopelessness for the suspect enables us to break down their defenses and gain compliance. In the film, we show several variations on these common threats, but the main lesson is that it doesn't matter what the officer says; you still have to remain calm and protect your rights.

In today's world of smartphone video, YouTube and Twitter, stories of police abuse travel fast, creating greater awareness of the problem of police misconduct. Unfortunately, this heightened awareness often serves to reinforce the notion that "cops can do whatever they want." It's true that much work remains to be done towards ensuring police accountability, but the very first step is to educate the public about basic constitutional rights.

Citizens who understand their rights are much less likely to experience negative outcomes, both on the street and in a court of law. Until each of us has the ability to protect our individual rights and recognize injustices against others, we're not likely to accomplish much in the realm of broader policy reform.

I hope 10 Rules for Dealing with Police will be embraced by parents, teachers, activists, and even police departments as we work towards reducing the tension that too often characterizes the relationship between cops and the communities they serve.

Here are the ten rules featured in the film:

1. Always be calm and cool: a bad attitude guarantees a bad outcome.

2. Remain silent: what you don't say can't hurt you.

3. You have the right to refuse searches: saying no to searches can't be held against you.

4. Don't get tricked: remember, police are allowed to lie to you.

5. Determine if you're free to go: police need evidence to detain you.

6. Don't expose yourself: doing dumb stuff in public makes you an easy target.

7. Don't run: they'll catch you and make you regret it.

8. Never touch a cop: aggressive actions will only earn you a more aggressive response.

9. Report misconduct: be a good witness.

10. You don't have to let them in: police need a warrant to enter your home.

Click here to learn more about the film and get copies of it to share.
 
Did you see where Anonymous intends to hack the people who claimed responsibility for killing all of those cartoon graphics artists in France? Wouldn't it be wonderful if when they did - they discovered who was REALLY behind those attacks.....?????

[video]http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow-show/watch/hackers-threaten-revenge-for-paris-attacks-382621763606[/video]
 

Just gotta' say that as far as freedom of expression and religion goes, you probably won't get better than the US... we've still got that going for us at least, despite a semi-intentionally useless Congress/Senate (I mean the makeup thereof).
Culture is almost legally enforced in many of the other 'first-world' countries... the generosity that we've shown to immigrants (and political refugees) comes kind of close to making up for all the bs in the last 4 decades or so (minus the needless wars)... Honestly, the rest of the world could take a page from that book and it would give humanity another hundred years probably.

Other countries are honestly pretty Nazi-ish about enforcement of their state religion (ie culture)... anti-Burkha laws etc, as well as mainstream cultural homogeny not legally enforced but more socially entrenched.

I agree that there is a wrongheaded sentiment among some people, but even with many of them, it's better than you'll find elsewhere... they're just more vocal here because its more socially and legally acceptable. The racism elsewhere is generally more disguised/shushed or not KKK in your face, but sometimes pretty dang close and more widespread.
 
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Just gotta' say that as far as freedom of expression and religion goes, you probably won't get better than the US... we've still got that going for us at least, despite a semi-intentionally useless Congress/Senate (I mean the makeup thereof).
Culture is almost legally enforced in many of the other 'first-world' countries... the generosity that we've shown to immigrants (and political refugees) comes kind of close to making up for all the bs in the last 4 decades or so (minus the needless wars)... Honestly, the rest of the world could take a page from that book and it would give humanity another hundred years probably.

Other countries are honestly pretty Nazi-ish about enforcement of their state religion (ie culture)... anti-Burkha laws etc, as well as mainstream cultural homogeny not legally enforced but more socially entrenched.

I agree that there is a wrongheaded sentiment among some people, but even with many of them, it's better than you'll find elsewhere... they're just more vocal here because its more socially and legally acceptable. The racism elsewhere is generally more disguised/shushed or not KKK in your face, but sometimes pretty dang close and more widespread.
I basically agree with most of what you said.
The meme made me chuckle because I was raised in a very fundamentalist religion and it makes an interesting point.
It’s the idea that we have shows like the 700 Club and Fox and CNN, etc. that it’s YOUR group is the one be persecuted…religions especially like to reinforce this - YOU are persecuted…YOUR religious group that YOU belong to is under attack!
And the stupid Atheists don’t help their situation of keeping religion out of their face when they file lawsuits saying “under God” will make their ears catch fire and melt off their fat heads….don’t like it…don’t say it…simple.
The US is okay when it comes to censorship, but they also are very scripted and written to play off of the fears of the people.
We are fed shit like “Snooki and J-Wow do and say some stupid shit…again…some more…ugh”.
We have the highest percentage of citizen’s in the world who are incarcerated so our country is not all rosy…we have done some evil shit around the world.
I want to make it a better place…I actively participate IRL to make the world a better place for my 11 year old son….but it’s headed in a very bad direction IMO.
We need to put people first back over profits.
I think that one change would change an amazing part of the system as a whole.
 
Did you see where Anonymous intends to hack the people who claimed responsibility for killing all of those cartoon graphics artists in France? Wouldn't it be wonderful if when they did - they discovered who was REALLY behind those attacks.....?????

[video]http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow-show/watch/hackers-threaten-revenge-for-paris-attacks-382621763606[/video]
That is pretty badass….I fully support it.
 
“Has America gone crazy?”

It's a question that dogs me wherever I travel abroad -
- and one for which I increasingly have no easy answer


ANN JONES, TOMDISPATCH.COM


Joni Ernst
(Credit: AP/Charlie Neibergall)


This piece originally appeared on TomDispatch.

Americans who live abroad — more than six million of us worldwide (not counting those who work for the U.S. government) — often face hard questions about our country from people we live among. Europeans, Asians, and Africans ask us to explain everything that baffles them about the increasingly odd and troubling conduct of the United States.

Polite people, normally reluctant to risk offending a guest, complain that America’s trigger-happiness, cutthroat free-marketeering, and “exceptionality” have gone on for too long to be considered just an adolescent phase.

Which means that we Americans abroad are regularly asked to account for the behavior of our rebranded “homeland,” now conspicuously in decline and increasingly out of step with the rest of the world.

In my long nomadic life, I’ve had the good fortune to live, work, or travel in all but a handful of countries on this planet.
I’ve been to both poles and a great many places in between, and nosy as I am, I’ve talked with people all along the way.

I still remember a time when to be an American was to be envied.
The country where I grew up after World War II seemed to be respected and admired around the world for way too many reasons to go into here.

That’s changed, of course.
Even after the invasion of Iraq in 2003, I still met people — in the Middle East, no less — willing to withhold judgment on the U.S. Many thought that the Supreme Court’s installation of George W. Bush as president was a blunder American voters would correct in the election of 2004.

His return to office truly spelled the end of America as the world had known it. Bush had started a war, opposed by the entire world, because he wanted to and he could.
A majority of Americans supported him.

And that was when all the uncomfortable questions really began.

In the early fall of 2014, I traveled from my home in Oslo, Norway, through much of Eastern and Central Europe.
Everywhere I went in those two months, moments after locals realized I was an American the questions started and, polite as they usually were, most of them had a single underlying theme: Have Americans gone over the edge? Are you crazy? Please explain.

Then recently, I traveled back to the “homeland.”
It struck me there that most Americans have no idea just how strange we now seem to much of the world.

In my experience, foreign observers are far better informed about us than the average American is about them.
This is partly because the “news” in the American media is so parochial and so limited in its views both of how we act and how other countries think — even countries with which we were recently, are currently, or threaten soon to be at war.

America’s belligerence alone, not to mention its financial acrobatics, compels the rest of the world to keep close track of us.
Who knows, after all, what conflict the Americans may drag you into next, as target or reluctant ally?

So wherever we expatriates settle on the planet, we find someone who wants to talk about the latest American events, large and small: another country bombed in the name of our “national security,” another peaceful protest march attacked by our increasingly militarized police, another diatribe against “big government” by yet another wannabe candidate who hopes to head that very government in Washington.

Such news leaves foreign audiences puzzled and full of trepidation.

Question Time

Take the questions stumping Europeans in the Obama years (which 1.6 million Americans residing in Europe regularly find thrown our way).
At the absolute top of the list: “Why would anyone oppose national health care?” European and other industrialized countries have had some form of national health care since the 1930s or 1940s, Germany since 1880.

Some versions, as in France and Great Britain, have devolved into two-tier public and private systems.
Yet even the privileged who pay for a faster track would not begrudge their fellow citizens government-funded comprehensive health care.

That so many Americans do strikes Europeans as baffling, if not frankly brutal.
In the Scandinavian countries, long considered to be the most socially advanced in the world, a national (physical and mental) health program, funded by the state, is a big part — but only a part — of a more general social welfare system.

In Norway, where I live, all citizens also have an equal right to education (state subsidized preschool from age one, and free schools from age six through specialty training or university education and beyond), unemployment benefits, job-placement and paid retraining services, paid parental leave, old age pensions, and more.

These benefits are not merely an emergency “safety net”; that is, charitable payments grudgingly bestowed upon the needy.
They are universal: equally available to all citizens as human rights encouraging social harmony — or as our own U.S. constitution would put it, “domestic tranquility.”

It’s no wonder that, for many years, international evaluators have ranked Norway as the best place to grow old, to be a woman, and to raise a child.
The title of “best” or “happiest” place to live on Earth comes down to a neighborly contest among Norway and the other Nordic social democracies, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland.

In Norway, all benefits are paid for mainly by high taxation.
Compared to the mind-numbing enigma of the U.S. tax code, Norway’s is remarkably straightforward, taxing income from labor and pensions progressively, so that those with higher incomes pay more.

The tax department does the calculations, sends an annual bill, and taxpayers, though free to dispute the sum, willingly pay up, knowing what they and their children get in return. And because government policies effectively redistribute wealth and tend to narrow the country’s slim income gap, most Norwegians sail pretty comfortably in the same boat. (Think about that!)

Life and Liberty

This system didn’t just happen.
It was planned.

Sweden led the way in the 1930s, and all five Nordic countries pitched in during the postwar period to develop their own variations of what came to be called the Nordic Model: a balance of regulated capitalism, universal social welfare, political democracy, and the highest levels of gender and economic equality on the planet.

It’s their system.
They invented it.

They like it.
Despite the efforts of an occasional conservative government to muck it up, they maintain it.

Why?
In all the Nordic countries, there is broad general agreement across the political spectrum that only when people’s basic needs are met — when they can cease to worry about their jobs, their incomes, their housing, their transportation, their health care, their kids’ education, and their aging parents — only then can they be free to do as they like.

While the U.S. settles for the fantasy that, from birth, every kid has an equal shot at the American dream, Nordic social welfare systems lay the foundations for a more authentic equality and individualism.

These ideas are not novel.
They are implied in the preamble to our own Constitution.

You know, the part about “we the People” forming “a more perfect Union” to “promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity.”
Even as he prepared the nation for war, President Franklin D. Roosevelt memorably specified components of what that general welfare should be in his State of the Union address in 1941.

Among the “simple basic things that must never be lost sight of,” he listed“equality of opportunity for youth and others, jobs for those who can work, security for those who need it, the ending of special privileges for the few, the preservation of civil liberties for all,” and oh yes, higher taxes to pay for those things and for the cost of defensive armaments.

Knowing that Americans used to support such ideas, a Norwegian today is appalled to learn that a CEO of a major American corporation makes between 300 and 400 times as much as its average employee.

Or that governors Sam Brownback of Kansas and Chris Christie of New Jersey, having run up their state’s debts by cutting taxes for the rich, now plan to cover the loss with money snatched from the pension funds of workers in the public sector.

To a Norwegian, the job of government is to distribute the country’s good fortune reasonably equally, not send it zooming upward, as in America today, to a sticky-fingered one percent.

In their planning, Norwegians tend to do things slowly, always thinking of the long term, envisioning what a better life might be for their children, their posterity.
That’s why a Norwegian, or any northern European, is aghast to learn that two-thirds of American college students finish their education in the red, some owing $100,000 or more.

Or that in the U.S., still the world’s richest country, one in three children lives in poverty, along with one in five young people between the ages of 18 and 34. Or that America’s recent multi-trillion-dollar wars were fought on a credit card to be paid off by our kids.

Which brings us back to that word: brutal.
Implications of brutality, or of a kind of uncivilized inhumanity, seem to lurk in so many other questions foreign observers ask about America like: How could you set up that concentration camp in Cuba, and why can’t you shut it down?

Or:

How can you pretend to be a Christian country and still carry out the death penalty?
The follow-up to which often is: How could you pick as president a man proud of executing his fellow citizens at the fastest raterecorded in Texas history? (Europeans will not soon forget George W. Bush.)

Other things I’ve had to answer for include:

* Why can’t you Americans stop interfering with women’s health care?

* Why can’t you understand science?

* How can you still be so blind to the reality of climate change?

* How can you speak of the rule of law when your presidents break international laws to make war whenever they want?

* How can you hand over the power to blow up the planet to one lone, ordinary man?

* How can you throw away the Geneva Conventions and your principles to advocate torture?

* Why do you Americans like guns so much? Why do you kill each other at such a rate?

To many, the most baffling and important question of all is: Why do you send your military all over the world to stir up more and more trouble for all of us?
That last question is particularly pressing because countries historically friendly to the United States, from Australia to Finland, are struggling to keep up with an influx of refugees from America’s wars and interventions.

Throughout Western Europe and Scandinavia, right-wing parties that have scarcely or never played a role in government are now rising rapidly on a wave of opposition to long-established immigration policies.

Only last month, such a party almost toppled the sitting social democratic government of Sweden, a generouscountry that has absorbed more than its fair share of asylum seekers fleeing the shock waves of “the finest fighting force that the world has ever known.”

The Way We Are

Europeans understand, as it seems Americans do not, the intimate connection between a country’s domestic and foreign policies.
They often trace America’s reckless conduct abroad to its refusal to put its own house in order.

They’ve watched the United States unravel its flimsy safety net, fail to replace its decaying infrastructure, disempower most of itsorganized labor, diminish its schools, bring its national legislature to a standstill, and create the greatest degree of economic and social inequality in almost a century.

They understand why Americans, who have ever less personal security and next to no social welfare system, are becoming more anxious and fearful.
They understand as well why so many Americans have lost trust in a government that has done so little new for them over the past three decades or more, except for Obama’s endlessly embattled health care effort, which seems to most Europeans a pathetically modest proposal.

What baffles so many of them, though, is how ordinary Americans in startling numbers have been persuaded to dislike “big government” and yet support its new representatives, bought and paid for by the rich.

How to explain that?
In Norway’s capital, where a statue of a contemplative President Roosevelt overlooks the harbor, many America-watchers think he may have been the last U.S. president who understood and could explain to the citizenry what government might do for all of them.

Struggling Americans, having forgotten all that, take aim at unknown enemies far away — or on the far side of their own towns.
It’s hard to know why we are the way we are, and — believe me — even harder to explain it to others.

Crazy may be too strong a word, too broad and vague to pin down the problem.
Some people who question me say that the U.S. is “paranoid,” “backward,” “behind the times,” “vain,” “greedy,” “self-absorbed,” or simply “dumb.”

Others, more charitably, imply that Americans are merely “ill-informed,” “misguided,” “misled,” or “asleep,” and could still recover sanity.
But wherever I travel, the questions follow, suggesting that the United States, if not exactly crazy, is decidedly a danger to itself and others.

It’s past time to wake up, America, and look around.
There’s another world out here, an old and friendly one across the ocean, and it’s full of good ideas, tried and true.


To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.com here.
Ann Jones has a new book published today: They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars -- the Untold Story, a Dispatch Books project in cooperation with Haymarket Books. Andrew Bacevich has already had this to say about it: “Read this unsparing, scathingly direct, and gut-wrenching account -- the war Washington doesn’t want you to see. Then see if you still believe that Americans ‘support the troops.’” Jones, who has reported from Afghanistan since 2002, is also the author of two books about the impact of war on civilians: Kabul in Winter and War Is Not Over When It’s Over.



 
How absolutely backwards and evil of a thing to do to their fellow human beings.

To Weaken Obamacare, Republicans Would Add $53 Billion to the Federal Deficit

630x420.jpg

Photographer: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg
Workers shovel snow near the Capitol Jan. 6.



To bring down Obamacare, Republicans want to start by reversing the requirement that employers provide health coverage to people who work at least 30 hours a week.

A new report
by nonpartisan analysts at the Congressional Budget Office warns that the GOP’s reform would increase the deficit by $53 billion over 10 years and add as many as a million people to government-subsidized health programs.

About 1 million fewer people would get health benefits from their employers.

The Affordable Care Act requires employers with more than 50 workers to provide health coverage to anyone working at least 30 hours a week or face penalties.

Republicans and employer groups have long opposed the 30-hour threshold and the paperwork nightmare needed for companies to comply with the rules.
The new Congress, with both the House and Senate now in Republican control, is taking aim at the 30-hour rule in one of its first acts, as Bloomberg’s Alex Wayne reported.

The House is considering H.R. 30, dubbed the “Save American Workers Act of 2015,” which would raise the threshold to 40 hours, leaving employers with no obligation to offer health care to anyone working as many as 39 hours a week.

The consequences of the change, according to the CBO, include outcomes that some Republicans might not want.
If a million Americans lose health benefits from their jobs, as the CBO expects, many would turn to publicly subsidized programs such as Medicaid, the federal-state health insurance for the poor.

Others would seek coverage on the new Obamacare exchanges and would likely qualify for government help to buy private health plans.
The change proposed by the Republican legislation will also reduce how much the U.S. Treasury collects in tax penalties from employers who don’t provide coverage.

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Right now this is largely theoretical.
While Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell, the new Republican majority leader, has promised a vote on repealing the 30-hour provision, President Obama has threatened a veto should the provision reach his desk.

If the 30-hour standard became law, the combination of more government spending on subsidized health care and lost tax revenue from employer penalties would increase the federal deficit by $53 billion in the next decade—an outcome few Republican lawmakers would want to brag about back home.



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