Caring for the Common Good Wins: Norway Ranks World's Happiest Country
Published on
Monday, March 20, 2017
Common Dreams
But in U.S., happiness is falling and Republican priorities stand to make it worse
Andrea Germanos, staff writer
A happy face is seen during Oslo, Norway's 2013 pride parade. (Photo:
Tjook/flickr/cc)
Norway now holds the title of the world's happiest country, according to a new report that also outlines how Republican proposals to gut safety nets, enact tax windfalls for the rich, and attack public education—as well as bipartisan failures in terms of the global war on terror and campaign finance—are making happiness further out of grasp for those in the United States.
The finding comes via the fifth edition of the
World Happiness Report, which ranks 155 countries on the variables of income, healthy life expectancy, having someone to count on, perceived freedom to make life choices, freedom from corruption, and generosity. It was produced by the Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN), a United Nations initiative, and was released Monday, the International Day of Happiness.
Norway now holds the number one spot, booting Denmark from the ranking it held for three of the past four years. Norway came in at number four last year.
Joining Norway in the top ten slots are, in order, Denmark, Iceland, Switzerland, Finland, Netherlands, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and Sweden. It's the same group that made up the top ten countries last year.
Like the other top four countries, Norway ranked high in caring, freedom, generosity, honesty, health, income, and good governance.
At the other end of the spectrum sit Rwanda, Syria, Tanzania, Burundi, and the Central Africa Republican, which rank lowest on the happiness index.
According to lead author John Helliwell, also an economist at the University of British Columbia in Canada, Norway is "a remarkable case in point."
"By choosing to produce oil deliberately and investing the proceeds for the benefit of future generations, Norway has protected itself from the volatile ups and downs of many other oil-rich economies. This emphasis on the future over the present is made easier by high levels of mutual trust, shared purpose, generosity, and good governance. All of these are found in Norway, as well as in the other top countries," Helliwell said.
As for the United States, it has slid down one spot from last year, coming in at number 14, and the country, the report says, is "a story of reduced happiness."
Study co-author, economist, and SDSN director Jeffrey Sachs writes (pdf) that the U.S. suffers not from an economic crisis but a "multi-faceted social crisis."
It is made clear, he writes, by "worsening public health indicators"; "plummeting" trust in government; and "astronomical" income inequality, with "the rise of mega-dollars in U.S. politics" and the "deterioration of America's educational system" helping to fuel "destruction of social capital."
Further abetting that destruction has been the country's reaction following the September 11 attacks, which, Sachs writes, "was to stoke fear rather than appeal to social solidarity" and begin "an open-ended global war on terror, appealing to the darkest side of human nature."
Though the country's "social crisis is widely noted, [...] it has not translated into public policy." Rather, he continues:
Almost all of the policy discourse in Washington, D.C. centers on naïve attempts to raise the economic growth rate, as if a higher growth rate would somehow heal the deepening divisions and angst in American society. This kind of growth-only agenda is doubly wrong-headed. First, most of the pseudo-elixirs for growth—especially the Republican Party's beloved nostrum of endless tax cuts and voodoo economics—will only exacerbate America's social inequalities and feed the distrust that is already tearing society apart. Second, a forthright attack on the real sources of social crisis would have a much larger and more rapid beneficial effect on U.S. happiness.
Addressing the crisis entails enacting campaign finance reform; reducing inequality by expanding the social safety net and funding of health and education; "improv[ing] the social relations between the native-born and immigrant populations"; moving beyond the post-9/11 fear campaign (which he writes, President Donald Trump's "Muslim bans" have been a manifestation of); and making a commitment to improved quality education for all.
"As demonstrated by many countries, this report gives evidence that happiness is a result of creating strong social foundations," Sachs
said to the
Associated Press. "It's time to build social trust and healthy lives, not guns or walls. Let's hold our leaders to this fact."
http://commondreams.org/news/2017/03/20/caring-common-good-wins-norway-ranks-worlds-happiest-country
Really nice of Jeffrey Sachs to say that. He is a double-headed snake. Naomi Klein in the Shock Doctrine tells the following:
Sachs was correct in predicting that price increases would end hyperinfla
tion. Within two years, inflation was down to 10 percent, impressive by any
standard. [21]
The broader legacy of Bolivia's neoliberal revolution is far more
contentious. All economists agree that rapid inflation is enormously damag
ing, unsustainable and must be controlled—a process that imposes significant
pain during the adjustment. The debate is over how a credible program can be
achieved, as well as who, in any given society, is forced to bear the brunt of that
pain. Ricardo Grinspun, a professor of economics specializing in Latin Amer
ica at York University, explains that an approach in the Keynesian or develop
mentalist tradition seeks to mobilize support and share the burden through "a
negotiated process involving key stakeholders—government, employers, farm
ers, unions and so on. In this way, the parties come to agreements over income
policies, like wages and prices, at the same time that stabilization measures are
implemented." In sharp contrast, says Grinspun, "the orthodox approach is to
shift all the social cost onto the poor through shock therapy." That, he told me,
is precisely what happened in Bolivia.
Just as Friedman had promised in Chile, freer trade was supposed to cre
ate jobs for the newly jobless. It didn't, and the unemployment rate increased
from 20 percent at the time of the elections to between 25 and 30 percent
two years later. [22] The state mining corporation alone—the same one that Paz
had nationalized in the 1950s—was downsized from twenty-eight thousand
employees to just six thousand. [23]
The minimum wage never recovered its value, and two years into the pro
gram, real wages were down 40 percent; at one point they would drop 70 per
cent. [24] In 1985, the year of shock therapy, the per capita average income in
Bolivia was $845; two years later it had fallen to $789. This is the measure
used by Sachs and the government, and despite the lack of progress it con
veys, it does not begin to capture the degradation of daily life for many Boli
vians. Average income is derived by adding up the country's total income
and dividing by the number of people in the country; it glosses over the fact
that shock therapy in Bolivia had the same effects that it had in the rest of the
region:
a small elite grew far wealthier while large portions of what had been
the working class were discarded from the economy altogether and turned
into surplus people. In 1987, Bolivian peasants, known as campesinos, were
earning, on average, just $140 a year, less than one-fifth of the "average in
come." [25] That is the problem with measuring only the "average": it effec
tively erases these sharp divisions.