This is the problem...strange how the former Exxon CEO is now in the WH.
Lobbying
Efforts to lobby against environmental regulation have included campaigns to manufacture doubt about the science behind climate change, and to obscure the scientific consensus and data.
[150] These efforts have undermined public confidence in climate science, and impacted climate change lobbying.
[16][132]
The political advocacy organizations
FreedomWorks and
Americans for Prosperity, funded by
brothers David and Charles Koch of
Koch Industries, were important in supporting the
Tea Party movement and in encouraging the movement to focus on climate change.
[151] Other conservative organizations such as the
Heritage Foundation, Marshall Institute,
Cato Institute and the
American Enterprise Institute were significant participants in these lobbying attempts, seeking to halt or eliminate environmental regulations.
[152]
This approach to downplay the significance of climate change were copied from
tobacco lobbyists; in the face of scientific evidence linking tobacco to
lung cancer, to prevent or delay the introduction of regulation. Lobbyists attempted to
discredit the scientific research by creating doubt and manipulating debate. They worked to discredit the scientists involved, to dispute their findings, and to create and maintain an apparent controversy by promoting claims that contradicted scientific research. ""Doubt is our product," boasted a now infamous 1969 industry memo. Doubt would shield the tobacco industry from litigation and regulation for decades to come."
[153] In 2006,
George Monbiot wrote in
The Guardian about similarities between the methods of groups funded by
Exxon, and those of the tobacco giant
Philip Morris, including direct attacks on
peer-reviewed science, and attempts to
create public controversy and doubt.
[119]
Former
National Academy of Sciences president
Frederick Seitz, who, according to an article by Mark Hertsgaard in
Vanity Fair, earned about
US$585,000 in the 1970s and 1980s as a consultant to
R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company,
[154] went on to chair groups such as the
Science and Environmental Policy Project and the George C. Marshall Institute alleged to have made efforts to "downplay" global warming. Seitz stated in the 1980s that "Global warming is far more a matter of politics than of climate." Seitz authored the
Oregon Petition, a document published jointly by the Marshall Institute and
Oregon Institute of Science and Medicine in opposition to the
Kyoto protocol. The petition and accompanying "Research Review of Global Warming Evidence" claimed:
The proposed limits on greenhouse gases would harm the environment, hinder the advance of science and technology, and damage the health and welfare of mankind. There is no convincing scientific evidence that human release of carbon dioxide, methane, or other greenhouse gases is causing or will, in the foreseeable future, cause catastrophic heating of the Earth's atmosphere and disruption of the Earth's climate. … We are living in an increasingly lush environment of plants and animals as a result of the carbon dioxide increase. Our children will enjoy an Earth with far more plant and animal life than that with which we now are blessed. This is a wonderful and unexpected gift from the Industrial Revolution.
[119]
George Monbiot wrote in
The Guardian that this petition, which he criticizes as misleading and tied to industry funding, "has been cited by almost every journalist who claims that climate change is a myth." Efforts by climate change denial groups played a significant role in the eventual rejection of the Kyoto protocol in the US.
[155]
Monbiot has written about another group founded by the tobacco lobby,
The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition (TASSC), that now campaigns against measures to combat global warming. In again trying to
manufacture the appearance of a grass-roots movement against "unfounded fear" and "over-regulation," Monbiot states that TASSC "has done more damage to the campaign to halt [climate change] than any other body."
[119]
Drexel University environmental sociologist Robert Brulle analysed the funding of 91 organizations opposed to restrictions on carbon emissions, which he termed the "climate change counter-movement." Between 2003 and 2013, the
donor-advised funds Donors Trust and
Donors Capital Fund, combined, were the largest funders, accounting for about one quarter of the total funds, and the
American Enterprise Institute was the largest recipient, 16% of the total funds. The study also found that the amount of money donated to these organizations by means of foundations whose funding sources cannot be traced had risen.
[156][157][158][159][160]
Private sector
See also:
Business action on climate change and
ExxonMobil climate change controversy
Several large corporations within the fossil fuel industry provide significant funding for attempts to mislead the public about the trustworthiness of climate science.
[161]ExxonMobil and the
Koch family foundations have been identified as especially influential funders of climate change contrarianism.
[162]
After the IPCC released its February 2007
report, the
American Enterprise Institute offered British, American and other scientists $10,000, plus travel expenses to publish articles critical of the assessment. The institute had received more than $US 1.6 million from Exxon, and its vice-chairman of trustees was former head of Exxon
Lee Raymond. Raymond sent letters that alleged the IPCC report was not "supported by the analytical work." More than 20 AEI employees worked as consultants to the
George W. Bush administration.
[163] Despite her initial conviction that climate change denial would abate with time, Senator
Barbara Boxer said that when she learned of the AEI's offer, she "realized there was a movement behind this that just wasn't giving up."
[164]
The
Royal Society conducted a survey that found ExxonMobil had given
US$ 2.9 million to American groups that "misinformed the public about climate change," 39 of which "misrepresented the science of climate change by outright denial of the evidence".
[165][166] In 2006, the Royal Society issued a demand that ExxonMobil withdraw funding for climate change denial. The letter drew criticism, notably from
Timothy Ball who argued the society attempted to "politicize the private funding of science and to censor scientific debate."
[167]
ExxonMobil denied that it has been trying to mislead the public about global warming. A spokesman, Gantt Walton, said that ExxonMobil's funding of research does not mean that it acts to influence the research, and that ExxonMobil supports taking action to curb the output of greenhouse gasses.
[168] Research conducted at an Exxon archival collection at the University of Texas and interviews with former employees by journalists indicate the scientific opinion within the company and their public posture towards climate change was contradictory.
[169]
Between 1989 and 2002 the
Global Climate Coalition, a group of mainly United States businesses, used aggressive lobbying and public relations tactics to oppose action to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions and fight the
Kyoto Protocol. The coalition was financed by large corporations and trade groups from the oil, coal and auto industries. The
New York Times reported that "even as the coalition worked to sway opinion [towards skepticism], its own scientific and technical experts were advising that the science backing the role of greenhouse gases in global warming could not be refuted."
[170] In 2000, Ford Motor Company was the first company to leave the coalition as a result of pressure from environmentalists,
[171] followed by Daimler-Chrysler, Texaco, the
Southern Company and General Motors subsequently left to GCC.
[172] The organization closed in 2002.
In early 2015, several media reports emerged saying that
Willie Soon, a popular scientist among climate change deniers, had failed to disclose conflicts of interest in at least 11 scientific papers published since 2008.
[173] They reported that he received a total of $1.25m from ExxonMobil, Southern Company, the American Petroleum Institute and a foundation run by the Koch brothers.
[174] Charles R. Alcock, director of the
Harvard–Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, where Soon was based, said that allowing funders of Dr. Soon's work to prohibit disclosure of funding sources was a mistake, which will not be permitted in future grant agreements.
[175]
Public sector
In 1994, according to a leaked memo, the
Republican strategist
Frank Luntz advised members of the Republican Party, with regard to climate change, that "you need to continue to make the lack of scientific certainty a primary issue" and "challenge the science" by "recruiting experts who are sympathetic to your view."
[164] In 2006, Luntz stated that he still believes "back [in] '97, '98, the science was uncertain", but he now agrees with the scientific consensus.
[176]
In 2005, the
New York Times reported that
Philip Cooney, former
fossil fuel lobbyist and "climate team leader" at the American Petroleum Institute and President George W. Bush's chief of staff of the
Council on Environmental Quality, had "repeatedly edited government climate reports in ways that play down links between such emissions and global warming, according to internal documents."
[177] Sharon Begley reported in
Newsweek that Cooney "edited a 2002 report on climate science by sprinkling it with phrases such as 'lack of understanding' and 'considerable uncertainty.'" Cooney reportedly removed an entire section on climate in one report, whereupon another lobbyist sent him a fax saying "You are doing a great job."
[164] Cooney announced his resignation two days after the story of his tampering with scientific reports broke,
[178] but a few days later it was announced that Cooney would take up a position with ExxonMobil.
[179]
In 2015, environmentalist
Bill McKibben accused President Obama of "Catastrophic Climate-Change Denial", for his approval of oil-drilling permits in offshore Alaska. According to McKibben, the President has also "opened huge swaths of the
Powder River basin to new coal mining." McKibben calls this "climate denial of the status quo sort", where the President denies "the meaning of the science, which is that we must keep carbon in the ground."
[180]
Schools
According to documents leaked in February 2012,
The Heartland Institute is developing a
curriculum for use in schools which frames climate change as a scientific controversy.
[181][182][183]
Effect
Manufactured uncertainty over climate change, the fundamental strategy of climate change denial, has been very effective, particularly in the US. It has contributed to low levels of public concern and to government inaction worldwide.
[17][184] An Angus Reid poll released in 2010 indicates that global warming skepticism in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom has been rising.
[185][186] There may be multiple causes of this trend, including a focus on economic rather than environmental issues, and a negative perception of the United Nations and its role in discussing climate change.
[187] Another cause may be weariness from overexposure to the topic: secondary polls suggest that the public may have been discouraged by extremism when discussing the topic,
[185] while other polls show 54% of U.S. voters believe that "the news media make global warming appear worse than it really is."
[188] A poll in 2009 regarding the issue of whether "some scientists have falsified research data to support their own theories and beliefs about global warming" showed that 59% of Americans believed it "at least somewhat likely", with 35% believing it was "very likely".
[187]
According to
Tim Wirth, "They patterned what they did after the tobacco industry. […] Both figured, sow enough doubt, call the science uncertain and in dispute. That's had a huge impact on both the public and Congress."
[65] This approach has been propagated by the US media, presenting a false balance between climate science and climate skeptics.
[189] Newsweek reports that the majority of Europe and Japan accept the consensus on scientific climate change, but only one third of Americans considered human activity to play a major role in climate change in 2006; 64% believed that scientists disagreed about it "a lot."
[190] A 2007
Newsweek poll found these numbers were declining, although majorities of Americans still believed that scientists were uncertain about climate change and its causes.
[191] Rush Holt wrote a piece for
Science, which appeared in
Newsweek:
… for more than two decades scientists have been issuing warnings that the release of greenhouse gases, principally carbon dioxide (CO2), is probably altering Earth's climate in ways that will be expensive and even deadly. The American public yawned and bought bigger cars. Statements by the
American Association for the Advancement of Science,
American Geophysical Union,
American Meteorological Society,
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, and others underscored the warnings and called for new government policies to deal with climate change. Politicians, presented with noisy statistics, shrugged, said there is too much doubt among scientists, and did nothing.
[192]
Deliberate attempts by the
Western Fuels Association "to confuse the public" have succeeded in their objectives. This has been "exacerbated by media treatment of the climate issue". According to a Pew poll in 2012, 57% of the US public are unaware of, or outright reject, the scientific consensus on climate change.
[193] Some organizations promoting climate change denial have asserted that scientists are increasingly rejecting climate change, but this notion is contradicted by
research showing that 97% of published papers endorse the scientific consensus, and that percentage is increasing with time.
[193]
In 2016, Aaron McCright argued that
anti-environmentalism—and climate change denial specifically—has expanded to a point in the US where it has now become "a central tenet of the current
conservative and
Republican identity."
[194]
On the other hand, global oil companies have begun to acknowledge the existence of climate change and its risks.
[195]